{"id":4125,"date":"2025-03-17T12:20:06","date_gmt":"2025-03-17T12:20:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/?p=4125"},"modified":"2025-03-17T12:20:06","modified_gmt":"2025-03-17T12:20:06","slug":"perse-ka-vetem-kembana-lufte-ukraina-dhe-dilemat-e-evropes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/perse-ka-vetem-kembana-lufte-ukraina-dhe-dilemat-e-evropes\/","title":{"rendered":"P\u00ebrse ka vet\u00ebm k\u00ebmbana lufte? &#8211; Ukraina dhe dilemat e Evrop\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka tronditur themelet e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe ka ngjallur debate t\u00eb forta mbi rolin e kontinentit n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. P\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikti q\u00eb duket se drejtohet kryesisht nga interesat miliardash, Evropa gjen veten n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt dhe t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar, pa nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb qart\u00eb ose drejtim t\u00eb fort\u00eb politik. Kjo situat\u00eb ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah pyetje kritike n\u00eb lidhje me autonomin\u00eb e Evrop\u00ebs, kapacitetin e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb afirmuar vlerat e saj t\u00eb paqes dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit. Me ardhjen e Donald Trump n\u00eb pushtet, shum\u00eb dinamika globale kan\u00eb ndryshuar, ose k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn duket! Debatet n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian theksojn\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re dhe t\u00eb pavarur ndaj konfliktit dhe sfidave globale, duke promovuar nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme q\u00eb i jep p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi dialogut dhe nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb paqes, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb militarizmit dhe var\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ukraina si simbol i nj\u00eb mend\u00ebsie t\u00eb rrezikshme <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb nga krizat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha gjeopolitike t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 21-t\u00eb. P\u00ebrderisa konflikti shpesh p\u00ebrshkruhet si nj\u00eb luft\u00eb midis Ukrain\u00ebs dhe Rusis\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e qart\u00eb se dinamika shtrihet shum\u00eb p\u00ebrtej k\u00ebtyre dy kombeve. Ajo ka ekspozuar ndarje t\u00eb thella brenda komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb lidhje me rolet e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe Evrop\u00ebs. Nd\u00ebrsa konflikti shpaloset n\u00eb tok\u00ebn evropiane, kontinenti e gjen veten n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt, duke u p\u00ebrballur me identitetin, aleancat dhe t\u00eb ardhmen e tij.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb nga v\u00ebzhgimet m\u00eb t\u00eb habitshme \u00ebsht\u00eb se lufta duket se drejtohet kryesisht nga iniciativat amerikane, ku Evropa luan nj\u00eb rol dyt\u00ebsor n\u00eb vendimmarrje. Kjo ngre pyetje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb form\u00ebsuar fatin e saj. P\u00ebr dekada, Evropa \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur tek Shtetet e Bashkuara p\u00ebr siguri dhe udh\u00ebheqje. Megjithat\u00eb, lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah rreziqet e k\u00ebsaj var\u00ebsie. Nd\u00ebrsa SHBA-ja ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim proaktiv n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, Evropa shpesh \u00ebsht\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebnjan\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht se ka mbartur pesh\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb pasojave t\u00eb konfliktit. Ky \u00e7ekuilib\u00ebr e ka l\u00ebn\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, t\u00eb pasigurt p\u00ebr drejtimin e saj dhe duke luftuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngritur z\u00ebrin e saj n\u00eb sken\u00ebn globale.<\/p>\n<p>Mjafton t\u00eb shohim Parlamentin Evropian, ku fokusi d\u00ebrrmues te lufta dhe p\u00ebrdorimi i forc\u00ebs si zgjidhje jan\u00eb rendi i dit\u00ebs. Kjo linj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb kontrast t\u00eb plot\u00eb me parimet dhe normat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ku dialogu, diplomacia dhe zgjidhja paq\u00ebsore e konflikteve duhet t\u00eb k\u00ebn\u00eb prioritet. Diskursi aktual n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian \u00ebsht\u00eb shqet\u00ebsues, pasi duket se e anashkalon r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre vlerave. Nd\u00ebrsa mb\u00ebshtetja ushtarake p\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim e nevojshme n\u00eb afat t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, ajo nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb fokusi i vet\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb zgjidhje e q\u00ebndrueshme e konfliktit do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtim ndaj diplomacis\u00eb, di\u00e7ka q\u00eb duket se i mungon bised\u00ebs aktuale.<\/p>\n<p>Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka ekspozuar gjithashtu brisht\u00ebsin\u00eb e paqes n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. P\u00ebr dekada, kontinenti g\u00ebzonte stabilitet relativ, kryesisht fal\u00eb rendit t\u00eb pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb institucioneve si Bashkimi Evropian dhe Kombet e Bashkuara. Megjithat\u00eb, konflikti i Ukrain\u00ebs e ka shkat\u00ebrruar k\u00ebt\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb sigurie, duke na kujtuar se paqja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb ekziston pa limit, por di\u00e7ka q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ushqehet dhe t\u00eb mbrohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive. Ky realizim k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb rimendim themelor se si i qasemi doktrinave t\u00eb konfliktit dhe paqes. \u00a0Duhet \u00a0shkuar p\u00ebrtej fokusit t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb n\u00eb zgjidhjet ushtarake dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafojm\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje q\u00eb trajton shkaqet rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsore t\u00eb konfliktit, promovon dialogun dhe nxit pajtimin.<\/p>\n<p>Bashkimi Evropian, e ka shfaqur vet\u00ebn nd\u00ebr dekada si nj\u00eb kampion bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe ka nj\u00eb rol unik p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. BE duhet t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb rol m\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb nxitjen e paqes, jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, por n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontinentin. Kjo do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim n\u00eb mentalitet, nga shikimi i paqes si munges\u00eb e luft\u00ebs n\u00eb shikimin e saj si nj\u00eb proces proaktiv dhe t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p>Bashkimi Evropian duhet t\u00eb ngrihet n\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00eb dhe t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00eb me shembull, duke demonstruar se paqja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm e mundur, por edhe e arritshme p\u00ebrmes dialogut. Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka ekspozuar t\u00eb meta t\u00eb thella n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e konflikteve. Evropa, si viktim\u00eb dhe si udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse e mundshme n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kriz\u00eb, ka nj\u00eb rol kritik p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur. Ky konflikt po zhvillohet n\u00eb tok\u00ebn evropiane, duke e vendosur Evrop\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe t\u00eb rrezikshme. Mungon nj\u00eb strategji e qart\u00eb ose drejtim.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Jeffrey Sachs n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian:\u00a0 Gjeopolitika e Paqes\u00a0 <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Jeffrey Sachs \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ekonomist, profesor dhe k\u00ebshilltar i lider\u00ebve bot\u00ebror\u00eb i njohur globalisht, p\u00ebr ekspertiz\u00ebn e tij n\u00eb zhvillimin e q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe reform\u00ebn ekonomike dhe politike. I lindur n\u00eb vitin 1954, ai ka k\u00ebshilluar qeverit\u00eb anemban\u00eb globit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Latine, Evrop\u00ebn Lindore dhe Afrik\u00eb, duke ndihmuar n\u00eb trajtimin e hiperinflacionit, krizave t\u00eb borxhit dhe varf\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fund t\u00eb shkurtit 2025, Sachs mban nj\u00eb fjalim n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian, dhe prej shum\u00eb analist\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb cil\u00ebsuar si nj\u00eb nga m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmit q\u00eb nga fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, ka gjetur jehon\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb te audiencat n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn. Duke analizuar p\u00ebrtej zhurm\u00ebs s\u00eb propagand\u00ebs dhe ndarjeve ideologjike ai paraqiti nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb nuancuar t\u00eb sken\u00ebs aktuale gjeopolitike, e rr\u00ebnjosur n\u00eb dekada p\u00ebrvoje dhe nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb thell\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Nj\u00eb nga aspektet m\u00eb t\u00eb mprehta t\u00eb fjalimit t\u00eb Sachs ishte p\u00ebrkushtimi i tij i patundur p\u00ebr paqen.<\/p>\n<p>Fjalimi i Sachs nuk ishte thjesht nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb e politikave aktuale, por edhe nj\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr veprim. Ai i b\u00ebri thirrje udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsve evropian\u00eb t\u00eb adoptojn\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje m\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur dhe parimore ndaj politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, q\u00eb t\u00eb prioritizoj\u00eb paqen dhe bashk\u00ebpunimin mbi konfliktin dhe ndarjen. Aft\u00ebsia e tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb kombinuar njohuri historike, rigorozitet intelektual dhe qart\u00ebsi morale e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb nj\u00eb nga z\u00ebrat m\u00eb ndikues t\u00eb koh\u00ebs son\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Sachs shpreh n\u00eb Strazburg se Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb drejtuese dhe shkaktuese e luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb mbar\u00eb bot\u00ebn p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 30 vjet, dhe Evropa ka paguar nj\u00eb \u00e7mim t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. Kontinenti evropian nuk ka pasur nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb qart\u00eb gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ka ndjekur me bindje udh\u00ebzimet e SHBA-s\u00eb, pa patur nj\u00eb z\u00eb t\u00eb pavarur, unitet, apo interesat e veta. \u00a0Ka pasur momente kur Evropa ka treguar pak kund\u00ebrshtim. Nj\u00eb shembull i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm ishte n\u00eb vitin 2003, kur Franca dhe Gjermania kund\u00ebrshtuan luft\u00ebn e Irakut, duke refuzuar t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesnin SHBA-n\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb anashkaluar K\u00ebshillin e Siguris\u00eb t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Sachs ka q\u00ebn\u00eb personalisht n\u00eb shum\u00eb tavolina t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishm\u00eb negociatash dhe shprehet se n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, Presidenti Zelensky deklaroi se vendi ishte gati p\u00ebr neutralitet, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje paqeje me Rusin\u00eb. Negociatat u zhvilluan n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 2022, me nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimin e Turqis\u00eb. Rusia miratoi nj\u00eb dokument q\u00eb Ministri i Jasht\u00ebm rus, Sergei Lavrov, e prezantoi, dhe negociator\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt po shkonin drejt nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje. Megjithat\u00eb, Ukraina vendosi t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqet papritur nga k\u00ebto negociata. Sipas Sachs, arsyeja kryesore p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb vendim ishte presioni nga Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar, me Boris Johnson q\u00eb udh\u00ebtoi n\u00eb Kiev p\u00ebr t\u00eb forcuar mesazhin se Ukraina duhej t\u00eb vazhdonte luft\u00ebn, pasi n\u00eb rrezik nuk ishte vet\u00ebm Ukraina, por \u201chegjemonia e Per\u00ebndimit,\u201d \u00a0kjo e shprehur n\u00eb dokumenta. Pasi Shtetet e Bashkuara k\u00ebshilluan Ukrain\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej nga negociatat, konflikti vazhdoi, duke shkaktuar viktima t\u00eb m\u00ebdha. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb milion ukrainas kan\u00eb humbur jet\u00ebn ose jan\u00eb plagosur r\u00ebnd\u00eb. Projekti i SHBA-s\u00eb p\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebn, i cili mb\u00ebshtetej n\u00eb iden\u00eb se Rusia do t\u00eb dor\u00ebzohej n\u00ebn presionin ekonomik dhe ushtarak, ka d\u00ebshtuar thot\u00eb Sachs.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb takim n\u00eb Vatikan n\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 2022, nj\u00eb grup ekspert\u00ebsh, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Sachs dhe Michael von der Schulenberg, hartuan nj\u00eb dokument ku argumentuan se vazhdimi i luft\u00ebs do t\u00eb sillte vet\u00ebm vdekje masive, rrezik p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimi b\u00ebrthamor dhe humbje t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr Ukrain\u00ebn. Edhe pse ky dokument nuk u mor parasysh, argumentet e tij mbeten t\u00eb vlefshme sot thot\u00eb Sachs, \u201c3 vite pas nuk do ndryshoja asnj\u00eb fjal\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb vitin 2025 Donald Trump nuk d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb trash\u00ebgoj\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb humb\u00ebse, dhe pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye ai dhe Putin ka gjasa t\u00eb bien dakord p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund luft\u00ebs. Edhe n\u00ebse Evropa vazhdon me retorik\u00ebn e saj luft\u00ebnxit\u00ebse, nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi; lufta po mbaron. Mesazhi \u00ebsht\u00eb i qart\u00eb: \u201cMbaroi.\u201d Kjo p\u00ebrfundon sepse Trump nuk do t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb humb\u00ebse me vete, shprehet profesori amerikan. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Trump e sheh bot\u00ebn n\u00eb termat e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe dominimit t\u00eb tyre. Politika e jashtme amerikane do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e ashp\u00ebr dhe cinike, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ndaj Evrop\u00ebs. Evropa ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb jashtme q\u00eb t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb realitetet e Rusis\u00eb, t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb,<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>Kina nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb armiku! <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Sa i p\u00ebrket Kin\u00ebs, Kina nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb armik, por nj\u00eb histori suksesi. Suksesi i saj ekonomik e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb ShBA-n\u00eb t\u00eb shoh\u00eb Kin\u00ebn si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim, por Evropa nuk duhet t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn qasje. Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb partner natyral p\u00ebr tregti dhe p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e mjedisit global, p\u00ebrfundoi Sachs.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb prill t\u00eb viti 2022, pes\u00eb jav\u00eb pas hyrjes s\u00eb trupave ruse n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb kam shkruar nj\u00eb artikull p\u00ebr pozicionin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb konflikt, <em>Kriza n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe disa fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs rreth konfliktit aktual<\/em>. <a href=\"#_edn1\" name=\"_ednref1\">[i]<\/a> Ashtu sikurse profesor Sachs, tre vite m\u00eb pas nuk do t\u00eb ndryshoja asnj\u00eb fjal\u00eb pasi koha konfirmoi at\u00eb shkrim, p\u00ebrtej kritikave t\u00eb t\u00eb zellshm\u00ebve brenda dhe jasht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb asokohe.<\/p>\n<p>Citim: Q\u00eb prej dat\u00ebs 24 shkurt 2022 Evropa nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta. Shp\u00ebrthimi i konfliktit Rusi-Ukrain\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ngjarje e mbetur vet\u00ebm brenda kufijve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs; deg\u00ebzimet e saj jan\u00eb t\u00eb paprecedent\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontinentin e Evrop\u00ebs dhe m\u00eb gjer\u00eb. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 \u00e7mimit tragjik njer\u00ebzor t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb, kjo kriz\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnon t\u00eb shkund\u00eb n\u00eb themele ekonomin\u00eb globale, zinxhir\u00ebt bot\u00ebror\u00eb t\u00eb furnizimit dhe t\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb pabarazit\u00eb dhe ndarjet gjeopolitike. P\u00ebr m\u00ebse nj\u00eb muaj \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfolur dhe pyetur se ku q\u00ebndron Kina n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb konflikt? Ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, n\u00eb an\u00ebn e cil\u00ebs pal\u00eb q\u00ebndron Pekini zyrtar? \u2013 M\u00eb shum\u00eb se p\u00ebrgjigje, jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb re spekulime, aludime dhe hamend\u00ebsime. \u00a0N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb situata t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e qart\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e udh\u00ebs t\u00eb merren p\u00ebr referenc\u00eb burimet zyrtare kineze, dhe jo analiza gjeopolitike t\u00eb b\u00ebra mij\u00ebra kilometra larg epiqendr\u00ebs s\u00eb vendimarrjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Po t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb panoramik\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb muaji n\u00eb retrospektiv\u00eb, reagimi i Kin\u00ebs mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb konflikt ka qen\u00eb i qart\u00eb dhe nuk ka vend p\u00ebr ambiguitete.<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 1: Kina promovon p\u00ebrher\u00eb paqen<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 2: Shmangni p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e konfliktit<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 3: Platforma e duhur p\u00ebr dialog \u00ebsht\u00eb OKB-ja<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 4: Pozicion i hapur, transparent dhe konsistent<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 5: Kjo situat\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interes t\u00eb Azis\u00eb dhe Evrop\u00ebs<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 6: Pozicion objektiv dhe i paansh\u00ebm<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 7: Inciativa konkrete humanitare<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 8: Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb an\u00ebn e duhur t\u00eb historis\u00eb<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 9: Nj\u00eb fuqi e madhe e p\u00ebrgjegjshme duhet t\u00eb punoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ulur tensionet<\/p>\n<p>Fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e 10: <strong>Ai q\u00eb i lidhi zilen tigrit duhet t\u2019ia heq\u00eb at\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Dhe n\u00eb Shkurt t\u00eb vitit 2025 ata q\u00eb i lidh\u00ebn zilen tigrit po i heqin zilen me nj\u00eb fije telefoni sikur asgj\u00eb nuk ka ndodhur. Por, shum\u00eb ka ndodhur, miliona jet\u00eb t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruara, fizikisht, shpirt\u00ebrisht edhe ekonomikisht. Kush e pagoi fatur\u00ebn e k\u00ebsaj lufte? \u2013 Ne, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ne.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>S\u00eb fundmi, lufta b\u00ebhet biznes, biznesit i duhen klient\u00eb dhe klient\u00ebt jan\u00eb shtetet e dob\u00ebta. Ky biznes ka si valut\u00eb transaksionesh gjakun e t\u00eb pafajshm\u00ebve dhe rrenimin ekonomik t\u00eb t\u00eb pambrojturve. Si n\u00eb ligjin e xhungl\u00ebs, ku sa m\u00eb e eg\u00ebr t\u00eb jet\u00eb gjallesa aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb do t\u00eb marr\u00eb nga natyra, ashtu edhe n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare sot. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se jemi kthyer tek aksioma <em>homo homini lupus<\/em> [njeriu \u00ebsht\u00eb ujk p\u00ebr njeriun] ashtu ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb, thjesht\u00eb p\u00ebr disa dekada e kan\u00eb shitur realitetin e ri n\u00eb sheshin narrativ global si piedestali e vlerave dhe n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb vlerave &#8211; tashm\u00eb thjsht\u00eb se beson m\u00eb askush, as ata q\u00eb e thon\u00eb me z\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb vet\u00eb. P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrk\u00ebt Evrop\u00ebs, do t\u00eb nxjerr nga konteksti ekonomik disa fjal\u00eb t\u00eb Mario Draghit dhe do i vendos n\u00eb kontekstin gjeopolitik. Duke ju drejtuar lider\u00ebve evropian\u00eb ai tha \u201cJu kam th\u00ebn\u00eb b\u00ebni versionin e shp\u00ebtimit, jo \u2013 ju kam th\u00ebn\u00eb aplikoni versionin e bashkimit t\u00eb ideve, ju s\u00ebrish that\u00eb jo &#8211; tani q\u00eb situata \u00ebsht\u00eb alarmante m\u00eb pyesni \u00e7far\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb&#8230;.nuk e di \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebni, por duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebni di\u00e7ka<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ednref1\" name=\"_edn1\">[i]<\/a> CMG, China Media Group \u00a0(5 prill 2022). Kriza n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe disa fjal\u00eb ky\u00e7e t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs rreth konfliktit aktual. <a href=\"https:\/\/albanian.cri.cn\/deep\/more\/3098\/20220405\/747367.html\">https:\/\/albanian.cri.cn\/deep\/more\/3098\/20220405\/747367.html<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb ka tronditur themelet e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb dhe ka ngjallur debate t\u00eb forta mbi rolin e kontinentit n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. P\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikti q\u00eb duket se drejtohet kryesisht nga interesat miliardash, Evropa gjen veten n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt dhe t\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar, pa nj\u00eb strategji t\u00eb qart\u00eb ose drejtim t\u00eb fort\u00eb politik. [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":4126,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4125","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-china-observatory"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4125","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4125"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4125\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4127,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4125\/revisions\/4127"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/4126"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4125"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4125"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4125"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}