Procesi i integrimit q\u00eb filloi pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore ka sjell\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, por vitet e fundit, me rritjen e populizmit, ekstremizmit n\u00eb mendimin politik evropian dhe thellimin e fragmentimit t\u00eb partive, procesi i integrimit evropian po has rezistenc\u00eb. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimeve se mos mbeten n\u00eb periferi n\u00eb kushtet e ndryshimeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha globale dhe zhvendosjes s\u00eb fokusit strategjik t\u00eb SHBA drejt lindjes, Evropa ka forcuar ndjesh\u00ebm autonomin\u00eb e saj strategjike p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur interesat e veta pa u mb\u00ebshtetur tek fuqit\u00eb e tjera.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vitet e fundit, BE dhe shtetet an\u00ebtare kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatje dhe ndryshime n\u00eb politikat ndaj Kin\u00ebs, duke shfaqur dualitete dhe dilema t\u00eb theksuara. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, politika e Kin\u00ebs ndaj Evrop\u00ebs ka ruajtur vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe mb\u00ebshtet synimin e Evrop\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur autonomi strategjike dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur nj\u00eb rol m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe konkurrenca n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-BE do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrthuren, nd\u00ebrsa r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia dhe kompleksiteti i k\u00ebtyre marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve do t\u00eb rriten.<\/p>\n
Nd\u00ebrsa bota po ndryshon me shpejt\u00ebsi, dy \u00e7\u00ebshtje ky\u00e7e meritojn\u00eb v\u00ebmendje t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb dhe kan\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn. Pas p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, bota p\u00ebrjetoi mbi 40 vjet p\u00ebrballje bipolare. Pas shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik dhe p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj p\u00ebrballjeje, a do t\u00eb rikthehet bota n\u00eb nj\u00eb model t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb me ndarje t\u00eb blloqeve? Kjo pyetje lidhet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me nj\u00eb rol thelb\u00ebsor: at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, ose m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, zgjedhjen strategjike t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs. Q\u00eb nga p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimi i kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2022, disa aktor\u00eb n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim jan\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb lidhin Kin\u00ebn me Rusin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ShBA-BE jan\u00eb afruar p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj krize. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se Evropa \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb faktor ky\u00e7. Ajo tashm\u00eb ndodhet n\u00eb p\u00ebrballje t\u00eb plot\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Shtetet e Bashkuara e kan\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar Kin\u00ebn si kund\u00ebrshtarin kryesor. Cila do t\u00eb jet\u00eb pozita e Evrop\u00ebs ndaj Kin\u00ebs? A do ta ndjek\u00eb ajo strategjin\u00eb e ShBA apo do t\u00eb distancohet? Diskutimi aktual mbi integrimin evropian \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb debat p\u00ebr autonomin\u00eb strategjike t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Autonomia strategjike evropiane: objektiva dhe praktika<\/strong><\/p>\n BE e ndjek autonomin\u00eb strategjike nga frika e margjinalizimit n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb me ndryshime t\u00eb thella. Politikan\u00ebt evropian\u00eb kan\u00eb theksuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur se n\u00ebse BE d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb mos rr\u00ebshqas\u00eb nga \u201clojtar\u201d n\u00eb \u201cfush\u00eb loje\u201d dhe nga \u201cpjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs\u201d n\u00eb \u201cspektator\u201d n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn globale, duhet t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar. Shp\u00ebrthimi i kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2022 sh\u00ebnon rikthimin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb tradicionale n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb agjend\u00ebs politike evropiane.<\/p>\n Evropa e k\u00ebrkon autonomin\u00eb strategjike edhe sepse e ndjen se pavar\u00ebsisht lidhjeve t\u00eb ngushta me ShBA, politika e \u201cAmerik\u00ebs e Para\u201d nuk do t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb, cilido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb, dhe se fokusi strategjik amerikan do t\u00eb zhvendoset drejt rajonit Indo-Paq\u00ebsor. Gjat\u00eb kat\u00ebr viteve t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs Trump (2017-2021), ShBA ndoqi nj\u00eb politik\u00eb unilaterale dhe u t\u00ebrhoq nga mekanizmat multilateral\u00eb.<\/p>\n Q\u00ebllimi i Evrop\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb interesat e veta pa u mb\u00ebshtetur tek forcat e jashtme. Tradicionalisht, autonomia \u00ebsht\u00eb konceptuar si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje mbrojtjeje komb\u00ebtare dhe sigurie, por aktualisht koncepti i autonomis\u00eb strategjike \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar dhe p\u00ebrfshin edhe fushat e ekonomis\u00eb, energjis\u00eb, teknologjis\u00eb dhe zinxhir\u00ebve industrial\u00eb. N\u00ebse Evropa do t\u00eb arrij\u00eb apo jo k\u00ebt\u00eb objektiv, do t\u00eb varet nga ecuria e integrimit evropian n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, ku autonomia n\u00eb mbrojtje p\u00ebrb\u00ebn boshtin thelb\u00ebsor. N\u00ebse BE d\u00ebshiron q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb mos mbetet vet\u00ebm n\u00eb let\u00ebr, duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb disa kushte.<\/p>\n S\u00eb pari, bashk\u00ebpunimi franko-gjerman \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor. Bashkimi i Franc\u00ebs dhe Gjermanis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparimin e BE-s\u00eb, dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, forcimi i BE-s\u00eb rrit rolin e k\u00ebtyre dy shteteve. Megjithat\u00eb, mes Franc\u00ebs dhe Gjermanis\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb mospajtime mbi nd\u00ebrtimin e mbrojtjes s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt evropiane. Gjithashtu, vendet evropiane duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb gatshme t\u00eb rrisin shpenzimet e tyre p\u00ebr mbrojtjen, \u00e7ka nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak e leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-BE<\/strong><\/p>\n Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet Kin\u00ebs dhe Bashkimit Evropian kan\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr vazhdimisht v\u00ebmendjen e komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Ato jan\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn dhe Evrop\u00ebn, por kan\u00eb edhe ndikim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb riorganizimin e rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n Q\u00eb nga fillimi i reformave n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-BE jan\u00eb dominuar nga bashk\u00ebpunimi ekonomik dhe tregtar. Por s\u00eb fundmi, jan\u00eb v\u00ebrejtur dy ndryshime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha: S\u00eb pari, me rritjen e fuqis\u00eb dhe ndikimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, roli i saj n\u00eb politikat e jashtme t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur. Politikat kineze jan\u00eb objekt diskutimesh t\u00eb gjera n\u00eb vendet evropiane. S\u00eb dyti, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndryshimeve n\u00eb ekuilibrin e fuqis\u00eb mes Kin\u00ebs dhe Evrop\u00ebs, ideologjis\u00eb dhe ndikimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs amerikane ndaj Kin\u00ebs, si dhe kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, ndikimi negativ n\u00eb politik\u00ebn evropiane ndaj Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur. Megjithat\u00eb, ekzistojn\u00eb interesa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, dhe brenda BE-s\u00eb ka z\u00ebra q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje pragmatike ndaj Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n S\u00eb pari, q\u00ebndrimet e Franc\u00ebs, Gjermanis\u00eb, vendeve t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore e Lindore dhe institucioneve t\u00eb BE jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme. P\u00ebr shembull, Franca k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul n\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr autonomi strategjike dhe kund\u00ebrshton q\u00eb Evropa t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb pa rezerva SHBA-n\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Kin\u00ebs. Presidenti Emmanuel Macron deklaroi pas vizit\u00ebs n\u00eb Kin\u00eb n\u00eb prill 2023 se \u201cnuk duam t\u00eb hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb logjik\u00ebn e p\u00ebrballjeve n\u00eb grupe.\u201d Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, vende si Polonia dhe Lituania synojn\u00eb t\u00eb harmonizohen me ShBA-n\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs ukrainase, duke ushtruar presion mbi marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-BE.<\/p>\n S\u00eb dyti, edhe pse ekzistojn\u00eb dallime mes vendeve an\u00ebtare, BE ka krijuar nj\u00ebfar\u00eb konsensusi n\u00eb politik\u00ebn ndaj Kin\u00ebs. Kjo u shfaq p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb me pranimin e gjer\u00eb t\u00eb konceptit \u201cpartner bashk\u00ebpunues, konkurrent ekonomik dhe rival sistemik\u201d q\u00eb nga viti 2019. Politika evropiane ndaj Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb konkurruese dhe e kujdesshme, duke kufizuar hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim. Megjithat\u00eb, koh\u00ebt e fundit, qasja pragmatike po rikthehet, edhe pse pritet q\u00eb karakteristikat e konkurrenc\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebrballjes t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb. Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr konsensus \u00ebsht\u00eb se BE nuk synon \u201cndarje\u201d ekonomike nga Kina, por nj\u00eb \u201culje rreziku\u201d (de-risking). N\u00eb qershor 2023, Komisioni Evropian publikoi nj\u00eb strategji p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb ekonomike, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb kontrollet e investimeve t\u00eb huaja dhe t\u00eb eksporteve.<\/p>\n P\u00ebrball\u00eb k\u00ebtyre ndryshimeve, Kina ka intensifikuar p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Evrop\u00ebn. Politika kineze ndaj Evrop\u00ebs ka ruajtur vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb, ka mb\u00ebshtetur gjithnj\u00eb integrimin evropian dhe autonomin\u00eb strategjike. Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtuar ndaj zhvillimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb partneriteti strategjik gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs me BE-n\u00eb. N\u00eb vitin 2013, Presidenti Xi Jinping theksoi se Kina dhe Evropa jan\u00eb dy fuqi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr paqen, zhvillimin dhe p\u00ebrparimin e njer\u00ebzimit. N\u00eb 2014 ai propozoi kat\u00ebr partneritete p\u00ebr paqen, zhvillimin, reform\u00ebn dhe qytet\u00ebrimin.<\/p>\n N\u00eb prill 2023, Xi Jinping deklaroi n\u00eb takim me Macron dhe Ursula von der Leyen se Kina dhe BE kan\u00eb interesa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb gjera, se bashk\u00ebpunimi tejkalon konkurrenc\u00ebn dhe se konsensusi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i madh se dallimet. Ai theksoi r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e dialogut, respektit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit p\u00ebr sfidat globale.<\/p>\n N\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-BE n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen pritet t\u00eb karakterizohen nga bashk\u00ebekzistenca, bashk\u00ebpunimi, konkurenca dhe kujdesi strategjik. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, ekzistojn\u00eb interesa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb fuqishme n\u00eb fush\u00ebn ekonomike dhe p\u00ebrballjen me sfidat globale; nga ana tjet\u00ebr, mbeten dallimet n\u00eb vlera dhe tensionet tregtare. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, faktor\u00ebt e jasht\u00ebm si evolucioni i luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe presidenca e dyt\u00eb e Donald Trump do t\u00eb ndikojn\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb ecurin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve.<\/p>\n Kina ka shprehur qart\u00ebsisht vullnetin e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunuar ngusht\u00eb me Bashkimin Evropian n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb orientimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm dhe p\u00ebrcaktimit t\u00eb tonit kryesor t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dypal\u00ebshe, p\u00ebr t\u00eb rifilluar shk\u00ebmbimet n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha nivelet, p\u00ebr t\u00eb aktivizuar bashk\u00ebpunimin e nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb n\u00eb fusha t\u00eb ndryshme dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00eb energji t\u00eb re n\u00eb forcimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kin\u00eb-BE si dhe n\u00eb promovimin e paqes, stabilitetit dhe prosperitetit n\u00eb nivel global.<\/p>\n Rifillimi i vizitave t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb dhe rivendosja e dialogut t\u00eb rregullt nd\u00ebrmjet Kin\u00ebs dhe institucioneve apo shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb jan\u00eb d\u00ebshmi t\u00eb nj\u00eb tendence n\u00eb rritje drejt nj\u00eb realizmi pragmatik dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi konstruktiv. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-BE po hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb form\u00ebsimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb, ku bashk\u00ebpunimi, konkurrenca dhe kujdesi strategjik do t\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n Kina dhe Bashkimi Evropian ndajn\u00eb interesa t\u00eb gjera, t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb fushat e ekonomis\u00eb, tregtis\u00eb, inovacionit teknologjik dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrballimin e sfidave globale si ndryshimet klimatike apo krizat e siguris\u00eb ushqimore dhe sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsore. K\u00ebta faktor\u00eb nxisin q\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet dypal\u00ebshe t\u00eb ruajn\u00eb nj\u00eb vitalitet dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri t\u00eb konsiderueshme.<\/p>\n N\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-BE do t\u00eb karakterizohen nga nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurje komplekse bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe konkurrence, e cila do t\u00eb reflektoj\u00eb realitetin e nj\u00eb bote shum\u00ebpolare n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtim. P\u00ebr t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt, ruajtja e nj\u00eb fryme dialogu t\u00eb hapur, respektimi i nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrqendrimi n\u00eb interesat e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta do t\u00eb jen\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar q\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet t\u00eb mos kthehen n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb konfrontimi, por t\u00eb zhvillohen si nj\u00eb shembull i p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebs konstruktive n\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb transformimesh globale.<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>\n \u00a9AIGS<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Procesi i integrimit q\u00eb filloi pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore ka sjell\u00eb p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn, por vitet e fundit, me rritjen e populizmit, ekstremizmit n\u00eb mendimin politik evropian dhe thellimin e fragmentimit t\u00eb partive, procesi i integrimit evropian po has rezistenc\u00eb. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimeve se mos mbeten n\u00eb periferi n\u00eb kushtet e […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":4390,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4389","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4389","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4389"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4389\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4391,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4389\/revisions\/4391"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/4390"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4389"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4389"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4389"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}