Nuk ka precedent n\u00eb kujtes\u00ebn moderne p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zhvillim masiv si n\u00eb mas\u00ebn e Kin\u00ebs. Shfaqja e saj si kombi m\u00eb i madh tregtar n\u00eb bot\u00eb pas kat\u00ebr dekadash reformash dhe hapjesh ekonomike po zhvendos fuqin\u00eb ekonomike globale nga Atlantiku n\u00eb Paq\u00ebsor. Ky shtet gjigant q\u00eb nuk ishte pjes\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb rendit bot\u00ebror n\u00eb 1919, 1945 apo 1989, po tregon se d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb luaj\u00eb nj\u00eb rol t\u00eb qen\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e rendit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm bot\u00ebror.<\/p>\n
Ngritja e Kin\u00ebs ka gjeneruar nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb t\u00eb re gjeopolitike, nj\u00eb tranzicion nga bota unipolare q\u00eb nga fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb re shum\u00ebpolare. N\u00eb Kin\u00eb, nj\u00eb narrativ\u00eb e re, nj\u00eb diskurs i ri i besimit komb\u00ebtar ka z\u00ebn\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb, i pasqyruar nga nj\u00eb diskurs ankthi n\u00eb SHBA dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb rend i ri ende nuk ka marr\u00eb form\u00eb, dhe roli i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb \u00e7do ekuilib\u00ebr t\u00eb ri t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb mbetet padyshim i pasigurt. Rrjetet e gjera t\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsis\u00eb gjeoekonomike t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn n\u00eb zhvillim n\u00ebn flamurin e “Nj\u00eb brez, nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb” gjenerojn\u00eb dhe mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb reja dhe pyetje t\u00eb konsiderueshme n\u00eb lidhje me form\u00ebn e rrug\u00ebve t\u00eb reja tregtare, korridoreve ekonomike, zinxhir\u00ebve global\u00eb t\u00eb furnizimit dhe zinxhir\u00ebve rajonal\u00eb n\u00eb transformim.<\/p>\n
Fuqia gjeoekonomike n\u00eb rritje e Kin\u00ebs e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb globalisht t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme dhe potencialisht ndryshuese t\u00eb loj\u00ebs. Fuqia gjeoekonomike kuptohet zakonisht si p\u00ebrdorimi i fuqis\u00eb ekonomike dhe financiare p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime gjeopolitike, si dhe integrimi i saj i thell\u00eb me ekonomit\u00eb e p\u00ebrparuara p\u00ebrmes zinxhir\u00ebve global\u00eb. Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb investitor i madh financiar dhe nj\u00eb donator n\u00eb bot\u00ebn n\u00eb zhvillim. Kjo bot\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillim, tani po l\u00ebviz nga margjinat p\u00ebr t\u00eb luajtur nj\u00eb rol qendror n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet dhe ekonomin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe sjell n\u00eb sistemin aktual prioritete dhe q\u00ebllime t\u00eb reja. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, globalizimi ka fuqizuar shum\u00eb aktor\u00eb t\u00eb rinj, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Azi dhe ka demonstruar rolin relativisht n\u00eb r\u00ebnie t\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturave fuqi tradicionale per\u00ebndimore q\u00eb dominuan fazat e m\u00ebparshme t\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarizimit. Pra, kjo shpjegon nj\u00eb nga ndryshimet themelore q\u00eb jan\u00eb duke ndodhur dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim shum\u00eb interesant p\u00ebr t’u par\u00eb sidomos p\u00ebrmes syve q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb ansh\u00ebm ose q\u00eb nuk i shohin gj\u00ebrat vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes interesave t\u00eb nj\u00eb kulture ose t\u00eb nj\u00eb kombi.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb hap prapa dhe shikojm\u00eb globin dhe \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndodhur n\u00eb dekadat e fundit, ka pasur nj\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb madh drejt nj\u00eb barazie m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Ngritja e bot\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim, dalja e qindra miliona njer\u00ebzve nga varf\u00ebria ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb arritje e madhe nga perspektiva e barazis\u00eb globale. Sigurisht, nuk ka qen\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e madhe nga perspektiva e ndoshta disa njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe Evrop\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt mendojn\u00eb se suksesi i bot\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim ka ardhur me nj\u00eb kosto p\u00ebr ta. Pra, kjo mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e dilem\u00ebs. Pra, rreziqet, si dhe mund\u00ebsit\u00eb, jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta n\u00eb nj\u00eb rend kaq evolues t\u00eb pasiguris\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsis\u00eb komplekse t\u00eb ekonomis\u00eb globale dhe konkurrenc\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00ebkohshme gjeopolitike q\u00eb po shfaqet.<\/p>\n
Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb lojtare kryesore n\u00eb institucionet e rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara, Organizata Bot\u00ebrore e Tregtis\u00eb, etj. Ajo merr pjes\u00eb edhe pse \u00ebsht\u00eb e kufizuar nga fuqia e ul\u00ebt e votimit n\u00eb bankat shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb Brettonwoods, FMN-n\u00eb, Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore. Kina gjithashtu po inovon. Po p\u00ebrdor fuqin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb re ekonomike p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar institucione t\u00eb reja dhe pothuajse- institucione me shtrirje potencialisht globale. Shum\u00eb prej atyre n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn ekonomike u p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsuan n\u00ebn sloganin ombrell\u00eb t\u00eb iniciativ\u00ebs “Nj\u00eb brez, nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb”. N\u00ebse k\u00ebto iniciativa t\u00eb reja plot\u00ebsojn\u00eb apo sfidojn\u00eb rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar liberal, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin \u00ebshte folur n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje debati t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr. N\u00eb vitet e fundit, ShBA-t\u00eb e kan\u00eb ndryshuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike strategjin\u00eb e tyre ndaj Kin\u00ebs nga angazhimi n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn strategjike, duke pretenduar se ngritja e Kin\u00ebs paraqet k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb n\u00eb sfid\u00ebn e saj ndaj fuqis\u00eb globale t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00ebse ngritja e Kin\u00ebs k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb pjesa tjet\u00ebr e bot\u00ebs t\u00eb braktis\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb, t\u00eb braktis\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsin\u00eb ekonomike dhe t\u00eb karakterizoj\u00eb \u00e7do nd\u00ebrveprim me Kin\u00ebn si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb, ku q\u00ebndron logjika dhe \u00e7far\u00eb mund t\u00eb fitoj\u00eb Kina nga kjo? \u2013 Praktikisht asgj\u00eb.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb madh\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, sfidat e saj jan\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht edhe sfida p\u00ebr vet\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. \u00a0Ndryshimi n\u00eb ekuilibrin global t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb q\u00eb po zhvillohet ka filluar t\u00eb shkaktoj\u00eb reagime t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb bot\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim. Transformimi ekonomik i Kin\u00ebs admirohet gjer\u00ebsisht. N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, edhe n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrparuar, njihet se pasoja e periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb reform\u00ebs s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, heqja e qindra miliona njer\u00ebzve nga varf\u00ebria dhe zhvillimi i klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb Azis\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb nga tranzicionet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb mir\u00ebqenies n\u00eb historin\u00eb e njer\u00ebzimit.<\/p>\n
Elitat n\u00eb vendet q\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me sfida zhvillimi i kan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb Kin\u00ebs m\u00ebsime dhe ndihm\u00eb. Prandaj, ngritja e Kin\u00ebs ka ardhur t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb n\u00eb disa aspekte aspiratat e bot\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb prosperitetit dhe nj\u00eb ndikim m\u00eb proporcional n\u00eb bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Mjafton t\u00eb shohim Azin\u00eb, pas nj\u00eb historie konfliktesh n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn e Ftoht\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs s\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb kolonializmit, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit aziatik\u00eb kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb preferojn\u00eb multipolaritetin ndaj hegjemonis\u00eb nga nj\u00eb fuqi. Duke pasur parasysh diversitetin kulturor t\u00eb Azis\u00eb, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit atje gjithashtu kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb shfaqin nj\u00eb nivel m\u00eb t\u00eb madh leht\u00ebsie me kompleksitetin dhe kontradiktat sesa bot\u00ebkuptimet m\u00eb absolutiste t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit, me qeverit\u00eb aziatike relativisht m\u00eb t\u00eb rehatshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsi ekonomike me Kin\u00ebn dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t’u mbrojtur dhe balancuar kund\u00ebr fuqis\u00eb kineze. \u00a0Dhe k\u00ebshtu ka z\u00ebra, z\u00ebra t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn n\u00eb zhvillim q\u00eb e shikojn\u00eb me nj\u00eb far\u00eb admirimi modelin kinez, jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht duke dashur t\u00eb kopjojn\u00eb vet\u00eb Kin\u00ebn, por duke dashur t\u00eb kopjojn\u00eb zhvillimin e suksessh\u00ebm t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Dhe, k\u00ebshtu kjo \u00e7on n\u00eb nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb bot\u00ebn n\u00eb zhvillim nga m\u00ebnyra se si Per\u00ebndimi po i p\u00ebrgjigjet ngritjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Kjo na \u00e7on te pjesa e tjet\u00ebr e perceptimit rreth ngritjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, perceptimi n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim. Ajo pjes\u00eb e popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb bot\u00ebs q\u00eb ka dominuar ekonomin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe ka p\u00ebrfituar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb disproporcionale nga industrializimi deri n\u00eb val\u00ebn e zhvillimit t\u00eb dekadave t\u00eb fundit. Reagimi ndaj rritjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs ka qen\u00eb duksh\u00ebm i ndrysh\u00ebm nga ai i bot\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillim. ShBA-t\u00eb dhe aleat\u00ebt e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb asnj\u00eb toleranc\u00eb p\u00ebr multipolaritetin. P\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb Kina shfaqi pak prirje p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar si nj\u00eb fuqi e madhe dhe mbizot\u00ebroi konsensusi optimist, duke pritur q\u00eb Kina t\u00eb mund t\u00eb akomodohej n\u00eb rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar liberal.<\/p>\n
Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit n\u00eb ShBA dhe n\u00eb BE i kishin kushtuar relativisht pak v\u00ebmendje ngritjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs derisa Donald Trump kanalizoi zem\u00ebrimin populist kund\u00ebr Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb fushat\u00ebn e tij zgjedhore t\u00eb vitit 2016. P\u00ebrgjigja e ShBA-s\u00eb ndaj ekuilibrit t\u00eb ri filloi n\u00eb terma gjeoekonomik\u00eb, por shpejt u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje sigurie komb\u00ebtare dhe m\u00eb pas n\u00eb nj\u00eb betej\u00eb kulturore frike dhe faj\u00ebsimi.\u00a0 Presidenti Joe Biden, i cili sh\u00ebrbeu midis dy presidencave t\u00eb Trump, e p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzoi luft\u00ebn tregtare me Kin\u00ebn edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Fuqia e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme gjeoekonomike e Kin\u00ebs konsiderohet se i jep asaj ndikim t\u00eb ri, i cili normativisht frik\u00ebsohet si gjenerues i nj\u00eb rrjeti t\u00eb ri var\u00ebsish t\u00eb reja q\u00eb Kina mund t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbysur ekuilibrin global.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse gara gjeopolitike p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsohet n\u00eb konfrontim dhe konflikt, do t\u00eb ket\u00eb edhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime, k\u00ebrc\u00ebnime reale p\u00ebr aktor\u00ebt, qofshin biznese apo kombe. Shpesh termi ndikim p\u00ebrdoret n\u00eb rr\u00ebfimet popullore pa asnj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim. Dhe k\u00ebshtu preferoj t\u00eb p\u00ebrdor termin pushtet, i cili mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb pak m\u00eb i qart\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb diskutim m\u00eb posht\u00eb me t\u00eb cilin do t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb. Pushteti kuptohet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb aktori p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar nj\u00eb aktor tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb nj\u00eb veprim q\u00eb p\u00ebrndryshe nuk do ta nd\u00ebrmerrte. Pra, pushteti mund t\u00eb manifestohet si pushtet i fort\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtr\u00ebngim ose blerje ekonomike, n\u00ebse ju p\u00eblqen pushteti i but\u00eb, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebrheqje dhe bindje, ose edhe pushtet i zgjuar, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb aft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur agjend\u00ebn, dhe Joseph Nye i p\u00ebrcakton k\u00ebto lloje t\u00eb ndryshme pushteti.<\/p>\n
Fuqia e re inteligjente e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e agjend\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrsa shfaqet nj\u00eb rend i ri bot\u00ebror dhe fuqia e fort\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb financimin e nd\u00ebrtimit dhe kontrollit t\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebs strategjike potenciale me p\u00ebrdorim t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb. N\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb literatur\u00ebs gjeopolitike dhe narrativave mbizot\u00ebruese per\u00ebndimore, lidhja e financave, teknologjis\u00eb dhe infrastruktur\u00ebs kineze tani katastrofizohet n\u00eb \u00e7do pik\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsis\u00eb si gjeneruese e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. Diskursi i ri drejtohet nga supozimet e konfrontimit ose konfliktit t\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm dhe nj\u00eb mosbesim i thell\u00eb se Kina do t\u00eb destabilizoj\u00eb ekuilibrin global t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb. Nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i kund\u00ebrt, v\u00ebzhguesit kinez\u00eb besojn\u00eb se ekuilibri aktual global i fuqis\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr disa ribalancime. Dhe frik\u00ebrat per\u00ebndimore kontestohen dhe debatohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb literatur\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb pun\u00ebs shkencore dhe pretendimeve qeveritare, si dhe sigurisht edhe pik\u00ebpamjeve t\u00eb biznesit.<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, reagimet intuitivo-populiste ndaj ngritjes s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dominojn\u00eb narrativat per\u00ebndimore, duke p\u00ebrforcuar binaret ideologjike. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb, diskutimi q\u00eb duhe b\u00ebr\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb synohet largimi nga k\u00ebto binar\u00eb dhe t\u00eb kuptohet se si aktor\u00ebt nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb maksimizojn\u00eb fitimet e tyre dhe t\u00eb minimizojn\u00eb dob\u00ebsit\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb bot\u00eb, nj\u00eb bot\u00eb q\u00eb duhet par\u00eb ashtu si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe jo si do t\u00eb d\u00ebshironim t\u00eb ishte.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb vend q\u00eb ngritja e Kin\u00ebs t\u00eb shihet si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim i pashmangsh\u00ebm, ajo mund t\u00eb lexohet si nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar ura t\u00eb reja bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb riform\u00ebsuar institucionet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
\u00a9AIGS<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Nuk ka precedent n\u00eb kujtes\u00ebn moderne p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zhvillim masiv si n\u00eb mas\u00ebn e Kin\u00ebs. Shfaqja e saj si kombi m\u00eb i madh tregtar n\u00eb bot\u00eb pas kat\u00ebr dekadash reformash dhe hapjesh ekonomike po zhvendos fuqin\u00eb ekonomike globale nga Atlantiku n\u00eb Paq\u00ebsor. Ky shtet gjigant q\u00eb nuk ishte pjes\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb rendit bot\u00ebror n\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":5295,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5294","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5294","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5294"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5294\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5296,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5294\/revisions\/5296"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/5295"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5294"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5294"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5294"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}