{"id":5744,"date":"2025-11-23T10:19:45","date_gmt":"2025-11-23T10:19:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/?p=5744"},"modified":"2025-11-23T10:19:45","modified_gmt":"2025-11-23T10:19:45","slug":"midis-dallgeve-te-historise-kineze-dhe-ceshtjeve-qe-sduhen-prekur","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/midis-dallgeve-te-historise-kineze-dhe-ceshtjeve-qe-sduhen-prekur\/","title":{"rendered":"Midis dallg\u00ebve t\u00eb historis\u00eb kineze dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve q\u00eb s\u2019duhen prekur"},"content":{"rendered":"

Tajvan\/Foto nga VCG<\/em><\/p>\n

Dinamikat e ngushtic\u00ebs s\u00eb Tajvanit kan\u00eb qen\u00eb dhe, me shum\u00eb gjasa, do t\u00eb mbeten edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes bot\u00ebrore. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb detare, ku era p\u00ebrplas dallg\u00ebt e historis\u00eb, fshihet nj\u00eb nga nyjet m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara t\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs. Tajvani \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb aren\u00eb ku nd\u00ebrthuren kujtesa historike, krenaria komb\u00ebtare dhe interesat e fuqive t\u00eb huaja. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sken\u00eb t\u00eb ndjeshme, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet midis Kin\u00ebs dhe Bashkimit Evropian po marrin p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb ngjyra t\u00eb paqarta. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrjedh\u00eb pasigurie, ishulli i Tajvanit \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb burim tensioni q\u00eb po err\u00ebson horizontin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dypal\u00ebshe. Aty ku duhej t\u00eb kishte mir\u00ebkuptim strategjik dhe pragmatiz\u00ebm politik, po krijohet nj\u00eb loj\u00eb e rrezikshme simbolesh dhe perceptimesh.<\/p>\n

Konferenca n\u00eb Bruksel<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb zyrtare pro separatizmit nga ishulli i Tajvanit u ftua t\u00eb mbante nj\u00eb fjalim n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, Pekini shprehu pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi t\u00eb fort\u00eb dhe paraqiti demarsh diplomatik. Hsiao Bi-khim u p\u00ebrfshi n\u00eb aktivitete separatiste n\u00eb takimin vjetor t\u00eb “Aleanc\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrparlamentare p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn” (IPAC) n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00ebn e Parlamentit Evropian n\u00eb Bruksel. Hsiao foli n\u00eb nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb jozyrtare t\u00eb ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebsve nga e gjith\u00eb bota q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesin politika m\u00eb t\u00eb ashpra ndaj Kin\u00ebs. N\u00eb Pekin ky \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb si nj\u00eb akt i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm \u00a0dhe munges\u00eb respekti ndaj Kin\u00ebs q\u00eb thyen drejtp\u00ebrdrejt protokollin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe tregon se nj\u00eb grup i parlamentar\u00ebve evropian\u00eb po krijojn\u00eb artificialisht nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb provokuar Kin\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb incident i izoluar. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb tetorit, u anulua vizita e ministrit t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm gjerman n\u00eb Pekin, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb komenteve q\u00eb shkel\u00ebn parimin e \u201cNj\u00eb Kine\u201d. K\u00ebto nuk jan\u00eb raste t\u00eb vetme, por gj\u00ebra t\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb n\u00eb d\u00ebm t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve evropiane me Kin\u00ebn, e cila duhet t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb nj\u00eb partnere e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim dhe p\u00ebr p\u00ebrballjen e shum\u00eb sfidave aktuale.<\/p>\n

Reagimi i menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm i Kin\u00ebs: Kina ka protestuar n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian, lidhur me pjes\u00ebmarrjen e politikan\u00ebve “separatist\u00eb t\u00eb Tajvanit” n\u00eb “samitin e Aleanc\u00ebs Nd\u00ebrparlamentare” n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00ebn e Parlamentit Evropian, tha t\u00eb h\u00ebn\u00ebn z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsi i Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Jashtme t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, Lin Jian.\u00a0 “Teatrot politike t\u00eb organizuara nga politikan\u00ebt ‘separatist\u00eb t\u00eb Tajvanit’ dhe IPAC, synojn\u00eb thjesht t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqin v\u00ebmendjen. P\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb tilla jan\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebnuara t\u00eb d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb”, tha Lin.\u00a0 Ai p\u00ebrs\u00ebriti se pavar\u00ebsisht se \u00e7far\u00eb hapash p\u00ebrdorin autoritetet e DPP-s\u00eb dhe forcat ‘separatiste t\u00eb Tajvanit’ dhe \u00e7far\u00ebdo “nd\u00ebrhyrjeje” q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb, kjo vet\u00ebm sa do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb agjend\u00ebn e tyre separatiste m\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme dhe nuk mund ta ndaloj\u00eb kurr\u00eb ribashkimin e Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

“Shpresojm\u00eb q\u00eb Parlamenti Evropian t\u00eb mos gaboj\u00eb n\u00eb lidhje me natyr\u00ebn e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb autoriteteve t\u00eb DPP-s\u00eb, t\u00eb respektoj\u00eb parimin e nj\u00eb Kine, t\u00eb mos d\u00ebrgoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb sinjal t\u00eb gabuar tek forcat separatiste t\u00eb Tajvanit”, tha ai.\u00a0 Duke v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje se Aleanca Nd\u00ebrparlamentare (IPAC) financohet nga institucione t\u00eb shumta anti-Kin\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrhap\u00eb dezinformim rreth Kin\u00ebs, Lin tha se autoritetet e Partis\u00eb Demokratike Progresive (DPP) p\u00ebrdorin IPAC-un, nj\u00eb grup q\u00eb nuk ka asnj\u00eb besueshm\u00ebri, p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb huaj p\u00ebr agjend\u00ebn e tyre separatiste.<\/p>\n

Parimi i nj\u00eb Kine nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb konsensus nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por nj\u00eb norm\u00eb themelore q\u00eb rregullon marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Deklarata e Kajros e vitit 1943 dhe Proklamata e Potsdamit e vitit 1945 deklaruan n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb se Tajvani, nj\u00eb territor kinez i marr\u00eb nga Japonia, do t’i kthehej Kin\u00ebs. K\u00ebto dokumente t\u00eb detyrueshme nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ishin element\u00eb ky\u00e7 t\u00eb rendit pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore dhe konfirmuan statusin ligjor t\u00eb Tajvanit si nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e pandashme e Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Rezoluta 2758, e miratuar nga Asambleja e P\u00ebrgjithshme e OKB-s\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1971, zgjidhi nj\u00eb her\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Tajvanin, nga Republika Popullore e Kin\u00ebs, n\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje politike, ligjore dhe procedurale. Prandaj, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Tajvanit \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e brendshme e Kin\u00ebs – kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se asnj\u00eb forc\u00eb e jashtme nuk ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb. Dh\u00ebnia e nj\u00eb platforme separatist\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje e hapur n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e brendshme t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs, nj\u00eb shkelje e Kart\u00ebs s\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb tradhti e normave themelore t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Nxitja e flak\u00ebve t\u00eb separatizmit po e shtyn rajonin e Tajvanit drejt tensioneve, me pasoja q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin katastrofike p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn. \u00cbsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb BE-ja n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi t\u00eb njoh\u00eb d\u00ebmin e thell\u00eb q\u00eb veprime t\u00eb tilla i shkaktojn\u00eb besimit dhe bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kina dhe Evropa jan\u00eb partnere me ekonomi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurura dhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet globale, nga ndryshimet klimatike tek mosp\u00ebrhapja nukleare. Respekti i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe angazhimi konstruktiv k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb respektimin e parimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb Kine, jo minimin e tij. Separatist\u00ebt e “pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Tajvanit” duhet t\u00eb ndalojn\u00eb provokimet dhe organet politike evropiane duhet t\u00eb parandalojn\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin si mjet p\u00ebr agjendat e tyre separatiste. Alternativa – nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e provokimit t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm – \u00e7on vet\u00ebm n\u00eb konfrontim, nj\u00eb destinacion q\u00eb nuk i sh\u00ebrben interesave t\u00eb askujt. Zgjedhja p\u00ebr paqe, stabilitet dhe respekt t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrse e gjitha \u00a0kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr interesave madhore evropiane?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pekini k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul q\u00eb lidhjet me BE-n\u00eb t\u00eb mbeten “n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e duhur”, duke k\u00ebrkuar respekt dhe bashk\u00ebpunim t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb. \u00c7do veprim ose komunikim q\u00eb ndryshon n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebanshme status quo-n\u00eb n\u00eb Ngushtic\u00ebn e Tajvanit dhe p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzon tensionet \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr interesave themelore t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian. Interesat e BE-s\u00eb sh\u00ebrbehen m\u00eb s\u00eb miri nga paqja dhe stabiliteti n\u00eb rajon. BE-ja i p\u00ebrmbahet politik\u00ebs s\u00eb \u201cNj\u00eb Kine\u201d. Ajo nuk e njeh Tajvanin si shtet sovran dhe nuk ka marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie diplomatike me t\u00eb. BE-ja kund\u00ebrshton me vendosm\u00ebri \u00e7do veprim t\u00eb nj\u00ebansh\u00ebm, nga t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt, q\u00eb do t\u00eb \u00e7onte n\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

Ishulli i Tajvanit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nyje kritike n\u00eb zinxhir\u00ebt global\u00eb t\u00eb furnizimit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr gjysm\u00ebp\u00ebr\u00e7uesit. \u00c7do konflikt do t\u00eb shkaktonte p\u00ebr\u00e7arje katastrofike n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb evropiane dhe globale. Ngushtica e Tajvanit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb detare jet\u00ebsore p\u00ebr tregtin\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. Paqja dhe liria e lundrimit jan\u00eb par\u00ebsore p\u00ebr prosperitetin evropian. Nj\u00eb konflikt p\u00ebr Tajvanin ka rrezikun e lart\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb konfrontim m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb midis fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, gj\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim t\u00eb papar\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb globale.<\/p>\n

Q\u00ebndrimi i Bashkimit Evropian p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Tajvanit udh\u00ebhiqet n\u00eb thelb nga nj\u00eb interes i lart\u00eb: ruajtja e stabilitetit dhe paqes n\u00eb Ngushtic\u00ebn e Tajvanit. \u00c7do “komunikim i rreziksh\u00ebm” ose veprim q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzon tensionet \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim kund\u00ebr interesave evropiane p\u00ebr disa arsye bind\u00ebse, t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb ankoruara n\u00eb respektimin afatgjat\u00eb t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ndaj politik\u00ebs s\u00eb \u201cNj\u00eb Kine\u201d.<\/p>\n

Bashkimi Evropian dhe Shtetet An\u00ebtare t\u00eb tij, p\u00ebr dekada t\u00eb t\u00ebra, e kan\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur me vendosm\u00ebri politik\u00ebn e \u201cNj\u00eb Kine\u201d. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb themeli i panegociuesh\u00ebm mbi t\u00eb cilin nd\u00ebrtohen t\u00eb gjitha komunikimet dhe veprimet e saj n\u00eb lidhje me Tajvanin. Kjo politik\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin:<\/p>\n

Dokumentet, deklaratat dhe demarshet diplomatike t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb e riafirmojn\u00eb vazhdimisht k\u00ebt\u00eb q\u00ebndrim. P\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb samite t\u00eb shumta dhe dialogje strategjike BE-Kin\u00eb, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit evropian\u00eb kan\u00eb konfirmuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb angazhimin e tyre ndaj parimit t\u00eb\u201d Nj\u00eb Kine\u201d, duke e cituar shpesh at\u00eb si nj\u00eb element themelor t\u00eb nj\u00eb partneriteti m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb strategjik me Pekinin. Duke pasur parasysh k\u00ebt\u00eb politik\u00eb themelore, \u00e7do retorik\u00eb ose veprim q\u00eb nxit tensione shihet n\u00eb kryeqytetet evropiane si thell\u00ebsisht kund\u00ebrproduktive dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese.<\/p>\n

Disa \u00e7\u00ebshtje konceptuale<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar pse Tajvani \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cvij\u00eb e kuqe\u201d absolute p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn, duhet t\u00eb futesh n\u00eb psikik\u00ebn e nj\u00eb kombi q\u00eb ka kaluar shekuj duke u p\u00ebrballur me kriza t\u00eb thella dhe t\u00eb dhimbshme. \u00c7\u00ebshtja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje kontrolli territorial; \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e thell\u00eb dhe e lidhur me unifikimin komb\u00ebtar, fatin historik dhe vet\u00eb mbijetes\u00ebn e shtetit kinez si\u00e7 ekziston sot.<\/p>\n

Historia fillon me at\u00eb q\u00eb Kina e quan “Shekulli i Posht\u00ebrimit”, nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb e zymt\u00eb nga Luft\u00ebrat e Opiumit t\u00eb viteve 1840 dhe fundi i Luft\u00ebs Civile Kineze n\u00eb vitin 1949. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj kohe, nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrim dikur krenar dhe i pasur u cop\u00ebtua, u pushtua dhe u dominua nga fuqit\u00eb e huaja. Humbja e Tajvanit ndaj Japonis\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1895 pas nj\u00eb disfate t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb ushtarake ishte nj\u00eb kapitull ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i hidhur, nj\u00eb simbol i dob\u00ebsis\u00eb perandorake q\u00eb u ngjit n\u00eb vet\u00ebdijen komb\u00ebtare. Themelimi i Republik\u00ebs Popullore t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb vitin 1949 u shpall fundi i k\u00ebtij posht\u00ebrimi, n\u00eb momentin q\u00eb populli kinez “u ngrit”. Megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore e enigm\u00ebs mungonte: ishulli i Tajvanit ose ndryshe provinca e 23-t\u00eb e Kin\u00ebs. Nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Pekinit, Tajvani \u00ebsht\u00eb akti i fundit dhe i pazgjidhur i asaj lufte. \u00cbsht\u00eb fragmenti i fundit i territorit kinez ende i ndar\u00eb nga atdheu, nj\u00eb pasoj\u00eb e vazhdueshme e konfliktit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm dhe nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb huaj. Kjo e b\u00ebn kthimin e tij jo vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim politik, por aktin p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb bashkimit komb\u00ebtar. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr mbylljen e nj\u00eb kapitulli t\u00eb dhimbsh\u00ebm historik dhe m\u00eb n\u00eb fund realizimin e “ringjall\u00ebrimit t\u00eb kombit kinez”, nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtylla qendrore e agjend\u00ebs s\u00eb Partis\u00eb Komuniste t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. N\u00eb Kin\u00eb, t\u00eb pranosh ndarjen e Tajvanit do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb pranosh se revolucioni nuk p\u00ebrfundoi kurr\u00eb v\u00ebrtet dhe se plag\u00ebt historike t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb 19-t\u00eb mbeten t\u00eb pash\u00ebruara.<\/p>\n

Ky rr\u00ebfim historik \u00ebsht\u00eb i lidhur pazgjidhshm\u00ebrisht me parimin absolut t\u00eb sovranitetit. P\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb kineze, sovraniteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb koncept fleksib\u00ebl; \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mburoj\u00eb e shenjt\u00eb dhe e pandashme. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye e shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjera nuk ka diskutim mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje. Si pasoj\u00eb, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Tajvanit tejkalon diplomacin\u00eb; \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje parimi komb\u00ebtar. Parimi “Nj\u00eb Kin\u00eb” \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehia e panegociueshme e k\u00ebtij besimi. P\u00ebr udh\u00ebheqjen kineze, nuk ka dyzime: ekziston vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb Kin\u00eb dhe Tajvani \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e patjet\u00ebrsueshme e saj. \u00c7do fuqi e jashtme q\u00eb angazhohet me Tajvanin n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb sugjeron sovranitet nuk po b\u00ebn vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb hap t\u00eb gabuar politik por po sfidon parimin thelb\u00ebsor t\u00eb identitetit dhe legjitimitetit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs moderne.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse \u201cvija e kuqe\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr n\u00eb terma kaq t\u00eb fort\u00eb dhe pa kompromis. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vij\u00eb e t\u00ebrhequr jo n\u00eb hart\u00eb, por p\u00ebrmes historis\u00eb, identitetit dhe nj\u00eb vendosm\u00ebrie t\u00eb thell\u00eb kolektive, t’a kalosh at\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb t\u00eb prek\u00ebsh nervin m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb t\u00eb kombit kinez.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundmi, dhjet\u00ebra deklarata nga Pekini e kan\u00eb shprehur pa vend p\u00ebr diskutim se pavar\u00ebsisht se si ndryshon situata politike n\u00eb lidhje me ishullin e Tajvanit, ajo nuk do t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb faktet historike dhe juridike q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja an\u00ebt e ngushtic\u00ebs s\u00eb Tajvanit i p\u00ebrkasin nj\u00eb Kine dhe tendenca historike q\u00ebndron q\u00eb Kina p\u00ebrfundimisht do t\u00eb ribashkohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pashmangshme. Parimi \u201cnj\u00eb Kin\u00eb\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konsensus i p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm i komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu themeli politik dhe premisa q\u00eb Kina t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me vende t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ekziston nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kuptim m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb t\u00eb realiteteve historike dhe gjeopolitike q\u00eb rrethojn\u00eb Tajvanin, duke theksuar nevoj\u00ebn jetike p\u00ebr dialog dhe diplomaci p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzimin e m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm, sidomos nga Evropa.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Tajvan\/Foto nga VCG Dinamikat e ngushtic\u00ebs s\u00eb Tajvanit kan\u00eb qen\u00eb dhe, me shum\u00eb gjasa, do t\u00eb mbeten edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebmendjes bot\u00ebrore. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb detare, ku era p\u00ebrplas dallg\u00ebt e historis\u00eb, fshihet nj\u00eb nga nyjet m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara t\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs. Tajvani \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb aren\u00eb ku […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":5745,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5744","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5744","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5744"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5744\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5746,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5744\/revisions\/5746"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/5745"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5744"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5744"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5744"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}