Kancelari gjerman Friedrich Mertz po zhvillon vizit\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb zyrtare n\u00eb Kin\u00eb q\u00eb prej marrjes s\u00eb detyr\u00ebs vitin e kaluar. Koha e k\u00ebsaj vizite \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse. Bashkimi Evropian po diskuton politik\u00ebn e vet industriale, ku koncepti \u201cMade in Europe\u201d po fiton terren. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet transatlantike po p\u00ebrballen me tensione t\u00eb shtuara, nd\u00ebrsa ekonomia gjermane \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi t\u00eb ri n\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet global gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt.<\/p>\n
Mertz mb\u00ebrriti n\u00eb Pekin i shoq\u00ebruar nga nj\u00eb delegacion i madh drejtuesish t\u00eb biznesit, nj\u00eb sinjal i qart\u00eb se lidhjet ekonomike mbeten thelb\u00ebsore. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrtej tregtis\u00eb dhe investimeve, shtrohen pyetje m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha gjeopolitike: Si do ta menaxhojn\u00eb Berlini dhe Pekini balanc\u00ebn mes bashk\u00ebpunimit dhe konkurrenc\u00ebs, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb industrin\u00eb prodhuese? A mund t\u00eb rikalibrojn\u00eb Kina dhe Gjermania partneritetin e tyre n\u00eb kushtet e ndryshimeve t\u00eb thella globale? Dhe \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo vizit\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr dy kryeqytetet, por p\u00ebr Evrop\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsi?<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Vizita si pragmatiz\u00ebm<\/strong><\/p>\n N\u00eb vizit\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Kin\u00eb si kancelar, Mertz \u00a0shoq\u00ebrohej nga nj\u00eb delegacion i madh biznesi. N\u00eb takimin me Presidentin Xi Jinping, ai tha se donte t\u00eb thellonte at\u00eb q\u00eb e quajti “partneritet strategjik gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs” me Kin\u00ebn, pasi Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri m\u00eb i madh tregtar i Gjermanis\u00eb sipas statistikave t\u00eb vitit 2025. Xi i mir\u00ebpriti komentet e Mertz dhe u shpreh se “Sa m\u00eb e trazuar dhe e nd\u00ebrthurur t\u00eb b\u00ebhet bota, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb Kina dhe Gjermania duhet t\u00eb forcojn\u00eb komunikimin strategjik dhe t\u00eb rrisin besimin e nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb.”<\/p>\n Peizazhi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar po kalon transformimet m\u00eb t\u00eb thella q\u00eb nga fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, tha ai, duke shtuar se sa m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb jen\u00eb ndryshimet dhe trazirat me t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrballet bota, aq m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb dy vendet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb komunikimin, t\u00eb forcojn\u00eb besimin e nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb dhe t\u00eb punojn\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrparim t\u00eb ri n\u00eb partneritetin strategjik t\u00eb gjithansh\u00ebm Kin\u00eb-Gjermani, tha Xi.<\/p>\n Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb q\u00ebndron thellimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ekonomike dypal\u00ebshe; nga ana tjet\u00ebr, \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike dhe presionet e brendshme e b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vizit\u00eb tejet t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb. Pozicioni i Mertz mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruhet si nj\u00eb situat\u00eb \u201cmes dy presioneve\u201d: k\u00ebrkesat e brendshme politike dhe nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme tregtare me Kin\u00ebn. N\u00ebse v\u00ebzhgojm\u00eb vendet kryesore evropiane, asnj\u00ebra nuk ndodhet n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme ekonomike. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia transatlantike \u00ebsht\u00eb ftohur ndjesh\u00ebm dhe rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i bazuar n\u00eb rregulla \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje. N\u00ebse flitet p\u00ebr rendin liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, shum\u00eb analist\u00eb vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb se ai tashm\u00eb ka hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb transformimi t\u00eb thell\u00eb.<\/p>\n N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, q\u00ebllimi kryesor i kancelarit n\u00eb Kin\u00eb duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb k\u00ebrkimi i mund\u00ebsive t\u00eb reja biznesi. Ekonomia gjermane mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme tek eksportet, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb sektorin e automobil\u00ebve, dhe tregu kinez mbetet vendimtar p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb industri. Zhvillimet n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb nxitur nj\u00eb rishqyrtim strategjik n\u00eb Gjermani, ku bashk\u00ebpunimi i gjer\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn shihet si nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb m\u00eb e q\u00ebndrueshme dhe m\u00eb e parashikueshme. Industria gjermane e ka mb\u00ebshtetur prej koh\u00ebsh k\u00ebt\u00eb qasje, por presionet politike mbi qeverin\u00eb kan\u00eb ndryshuar ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e fundit. Duke pasur parasysh v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb serioze q\u00eb ka hasur sektori automobilistik gjerman, ofertat p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga Kina priten aktualisht me nj\u00eb hapje dhe gatishm\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. P\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pas nj\u00eb periudhe t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb optimiz\u00ebm real p\u00ebr perspektiv\u00ebn e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve gjermano-kineze.<\/p>\n Fakti q\u00eb kancelari shoq\u00ebrohet nga drejtuesit ekzekutiv\u00eb t\u00eb markave dhe kompanive m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha gjermane p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb sinjal shum\u00eb premtues. Kjo reflekton interesin themelor t\u00eb industris\u00eb gjermane p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim afatgjat\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn. Delegacioni tregon qart\u00eb dimensionin ekonomik t\u00eb vizit\u00ebs dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb strategjike q\u00eb i jepet asaj. Megjithat\u00eb, kancelari nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson vet\u00ebm interesat e industris\u00eb gjermane, por n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme edhe perspektiv\u00ebn evropiane. Evropa mbetet nj\u00eb treg i madh dhe shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn, ashtu si\u00e7 Kina mbetet nj\u00eb partner ky\u00e7 p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb evropiane.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Rikalibrim dhe rivler\u00ebsim?<\/strong><\/p>\n Kjo vizit\u00eb sh\u00ebnon nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm rikalibrimi. Ajo pasqyron nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr\u00a0 qart\u00ebsi politike, n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur rendi global po ndryshon me shpejt\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n T\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt, por ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht Evropa, po p\u00ebrballen me shum\u00eb presione: presione t\u00eb jashtme, presione t\u00eb brendshme ekonomike, e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb. Ndodhemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment shum\u00eb t\u00eb trazuar dhe n\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhet se \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb \u201csyrin e stuhis\u00eb\u201d, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb presioneve ekonomike dhe konflikteve gjeopolitike. N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb till\u00eb lindin disa pyetje: kush duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb partneri m\u00eb i mir\u00eb? Cili \u00ebsht\u00eb tregu m\u00eb i q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe m\u00eb i besuesh\u00ebm? Me k\u00eb mund t\u00eb bashkojm\u00eb forcat p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur rendin bot\u00ebror? K\u00ebto jan\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb edhe q\u00ebllimet kryesore t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj vizite.<\/p>\n Kancelari, gjat\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Mynih dy jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb, ka d\u00ebrguar tashm\u00eb nj\u00eb mesazh t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebndrimin moral t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb tij n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme dhe ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ndaj Kin\u00ebs. N\u00ebse e kujtoni, me ish-ministren e Jashtme, Annalena Baerbock, Gjermania kishte nj\u00eb qasje m\u00eb ligj\u00ebruese n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe ndaj Kin\u00ebs. Nd\u00ebrsa Mertz ka sinjalizuar se kjo qasje ka marr\u00eb fund; nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb q\u00ebndrime moralizuese apo demonstrime publike t\u00eb superioritetit moral.<\/p>\n N\u00eb planin afatshkurt\u00ebr, Kina dhe Gjermania jan\u00eb ekonomia e dyt\u00eb dhe e tret\u00eb m\u00eb, t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Gjermania \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu investitori m\u00eb i madh evropian n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb, n\u00eb aspektin e zhvillimit ekonomik ekziston nj\u00eb potencial i madh dhe nj\u00eb komplementaritet i nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb mes dy vendeve. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, ka edhe \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb caktuara q\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb pezull mes tyre, ndaj \u00ebsht\u00eb urgjente q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt t\u2019i diskutojn\u00eb hapur. P\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb dialogu zhvillohet me mendje t\u00eb hapur, \u00e7do \u00e7\u00ebshtje mund t\u00eb zgjidhet.<\/p>\n N\u00eb planin afatgjat\u00eb, kjo vizit\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb trazuar dhe n\u00eb transformim t\u00eb thell\u00eb, me ndryshime gjeopolitike, me revolucionin energjetik dhe me revolucionin dixhital. Pyetja thelb\u00ebsore \u00ebsht\u00eb: p\u00ebr \u00e7far\u00eb lloj bote duhet t\u00eb punojm\u00eb s\u00eb bashku? \u00c7far\u00eb rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesim s\u00eb bashku? Ekzistojn\u00eb interesa dhe vlera t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje madhore. Kjo vizit\u00eb sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb rikonfirmuar angazhimin ndaj k\u00ebtyre objektivave dhe vlerave t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta. \u00cbsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb besim, sepse n\u00eb k\u00ebto koh\u00eb v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb trazuara \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb besojm\u00eb tek nj\u00ebri-tjetri dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi partner\u00eb t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00ebri-tjetrin.<\/p>\n Gjeopolitika n\u00eb fokus <\/strong><\/p>\n Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia me Shtetet e Bashkuara \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb komplekse dhe Mertz gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb tij ka sh\u00ebrbyer si nj\u00eb \u201ctransatlantist\u201d i p\u00ebrkushtuar. Tani duket sikur \u00a0disa nga bindjet q\u00eb ka pasur m\u00eb par\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vlefshme dhe duhet t\u00eb ripozicionoj\u00eb vendin dhe t\u00eb gjej\u00eb mund\u00ebsi pragmatike p\u00ebr ta udh\u00ebhequr Gjermanin\u00eb drejt nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmeje m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, ekziston edhe nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb me Bashkimin Evropian, duke pasur nj\u00eb kryetar n\u00eb \u201ctimonin\u201d e Komisionit Evropian.<\/p>\n Mertz gjithmon\u00eb ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb politikan shum\u00eb i p\u00ebrkushtuar ndaj biznesit dhe ka punuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn e biznesit sesa si politikan, sidomos pasi humbi ndaj Merkel n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 2000. Tani ai ka mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb kancelari m\u00eb pro-biznes. Ai synon t\u00eb jet\u00eb pragmatik. K\u00ebt\u00eb e ka treguar gjat\u00eb vizitave t\u00eb tij n\u00eb vendet e Gjirit dhe gjithashtu n\u00eb qasjen ndaj Trump.<\/p>\n Kur flasim p\u00ebr tre karakteristikat e ndryshme t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuara n\u00eb strategjin\u00eb gjermane p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn nga qeveria e m\u00ebparshme \u2014 partner, konkurrent, rival sistemik \u2014 t\u00eb qenit konkurrent \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb i konsideruar nga evropian\u00ebt si nj\u00eb form\u00eb e natyrshme e angazhimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. Tani p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsim, ngel t\u00eb fokusohen tek partneriteti.<\/p>\n Si theksoi edhe Xi n\u00eb takim, Kina mb\u00ebshtet Evrop\u00ebn n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur autonomin\u00eb dhe forc\u00ebn e saj, dhe shpreson q\u00eb pala evropiane t\u00eb mund t\u00eb punoj\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin drejtim, t’i p\u00ebrmbahet pozicionimit t\u00eb partner\u00ebve strategjik\u00eb dhe t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtes\u00eb hapjen, p\u00ebrfshirjen dhe bashk\u00ebpunimin fitimprur\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb arrihet nj\u00eb rritje m\u00eb e madhe n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Kin\u00eb-Evrop\u00eb dhe t\u00eb jepen kontribute m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr paqen dhe zhvillimin bot\u00ebror.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n S\u00eb fundmi,<\/em> kjo vizit\u00eb sh\u00ebrben p\u00ebr t\u00eb ripozicionuar dhe rikujtuar partneritetin strategjik gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs Kin\u00eb\u2013Gjermani, i cili u shpall n\u00eb vitin 2014. Vizita \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb si nj\u00eb akt balancimi. \u00a0Kjo vizit\u00eb po ndiqet me v\u00ebmendje si nj\u00eb prov\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ekonomia m\u00eb e madhe e Evrop\u00ebs mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me er\u00ebrat e forta gjeopolitike, duke thelluar nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me partnerin e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm tregtar.<\/p>\n AIGS<\/strong><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Kancelari gjerman Friedrich Mertz po zhvillon vizit\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb zyrtare n\u00eb Kin\u00eb q\u00eb prej marrjes s\u00eb detyr\u00ebs vitin e kaluar. Koha e k\u00ebsaj vizite \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse. Bashkimi Evropian po diskuton politik\u00ebn e vet industriale, ku koncepti \u201cMade in Europe\u201d po fiton terren. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet transatlantike po p\u00ebrballen me tensione t\u00eb shtuara, nd\u00ebrsa ekonomia […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":6536,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6538","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6538","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6538"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6538\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6540,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6538\/revisions\/6540"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6536"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6538"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6538"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6538"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}