N\u00eb muajt e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb re nj\u00eb fenomen i duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare: nj\u00eb num\u00ebr n\u00eb rritje lider\u00ebsh bot\u00ebror\u00eb po vizitojn\u00eb Kin\u00ebn. Avion\u00ebt drejt Pekinit duket sikur jan\u00eb mbushur me kryeministra dhe president\u00eb nga vende t\u00eb ndryshme, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nga Per\u00ebndimi. N\u00eb prill 2026, vet\u00ebm gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb jave, lideri kinez Xi Jinping zhvilloi t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pes\u00eb takime t\u00eb ndara t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb me lider\u00eb t\u00eb huaj n\u00eb Pekin. Jo n\u00eb nj\u00eb samit apo konferenc\u00eb shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe, por takime t\u00eb dypal\u00ebshe.<\/p>\n
Kjo ka nxitur debate mbi kuptimin e k\u00ebsaj vale vizitash: a b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ngrohje t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Kin\u00ebn, apo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre vendeve p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur pesh\u00ebn e tyre n\u00eb negociatat me Shtetet e Bashkuara?\u00a0 Ky fenomen sugjeron nj\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb perceptimin dhe rolin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar. N\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, Kina shihej kryesisht si nj\u00eb aktor q\u00eb ndiqte rregullat globale; sot ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb nj\u00eb krijuese rregullash dhe nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr vendimmarrjeje. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb destinacion p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshje dypal\u00ebshe, por nj\u00eb platform\u00eb p\u00ebr lan\u00e7imin e inovacioneve globale dhe p\u00ebr diskutime mbi politikat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb ekonomike dhe zhvillimore, Kina po t\u00ebrheq v\u00ebmendjen si nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr kryesore e inovacionit dhe e rritjes. Ajo ofron jo vet\u00ebm tregun m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme n\u00eb bot\u00eb, por edhe mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim n\u00eb teknologji, inteligjenc\u00eb artificiale dhe zhvillim industrial. Qytete si Pekini, Shangai dhe Shenzhen jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb pika ky\u00e7e t\u00eb k\u00ebtij transformimi. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, fuqia globale nuk p\u00ebrcaktohet m\u00eb vet\u00ebm nga kapacitetet ushtarake, por gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga aft\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar lidhje dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashkuar aktor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb. Kina po e shfryt\u00ebzon k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cfuqi lidhjeje\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb pozicionuar veten si nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr globale bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe inovacioni.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb vizitash t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme <\/strong><\/p>\n Kjo val\u00eb vizitash filloi n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar. N\u00eb fillim Mbreti i Spanj\u00ebs Felipe VI zhvilloi nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, e para e tij si mbret dhe e para nga nj\u00eb monark spanjoll n\u00eb 18 vite. N\u00eb dhjetor, Presidenti francez Emmanuel Macron realizoi vizit\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb kat\u00ebrt n\u00eb Kin\u00eb. N\u00eb janar 2026, pasuan Kryeministri irlandez Miche\u00e1l Martin, Presidenti i Kores\u00eb s\u00eb Jugut, si dhe Kryeministri kanadez Mark Carney. Kjo e fundit ishte vizita e par\u00eb e nj\u00eb kryeministri kanadez n\u00eb Kin\u00eb pas tet\u00eb vitesh.<\/p>\n N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 2026, vizita e Keir Starmer n\u00eb Pekin sh\u00ebnoi nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr stabilizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Kin\u00eb\u2013Mbret\u00ebri e Bashkuar pas nj\u00eb periudhe tensionesh. Nga perspektiva kineze, kjo u pa si nj\u00eb sinjal se Londra po k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb qasje m\u00eb pragmatike dhe m\u00eb pak ideologjike, duke krijuar hap\u00ebsira p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebpunim ekonomik pavar\u00ebsisht dallimeve politike.<\/p>\n Menj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb pas, vizita e Petteri Orpo, kryeministri i Finland\u00ebs, tregoi interesin e vendeve nordike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur lidhjet ekonomike me Kin\u00ebn edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb klim\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuar gjeopolitike. P\u00ebr Pekinin, kjo ishte d\u00ebshmi se edhe shtetet e vogla, por t\u00eb zhvilluara, t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatshme t\u00eb shk\u00ebputen nga bashk\u00ebpunimi me ekonomin\u00eb kineze.<\/p>\n Vizita e kancelarit gjerman Friedrich Merz n\u00eb shkurt pati pesh\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb se Gjermania mbetet partneri kryesor ekonomik i Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. Vizita e tij konfirmoi se, pavar\u00ebsisht debatit n\u00eb Berlin p\u00ebr \u201cde-risking\u201d, interesat industriale dhe tregtare vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb dominojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien dypal\u00ebshe.<\/p>\n N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn periudh\u00eb, prania e Yamand\u00fa Orsi, president i Uruguait n\u00eb Pekin theksoi dimensionin e zgjerimit global t\u00eb diplomacis\u00eb kineze, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Latine. Kina e sheh k\u00ebt\u00eb si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb konsolidimit t\u00eb partneriteteve n\u00eb Jugun Global dhe si nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje p\u00ebr vizionin e saj p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rend nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar m\u00eb t\u00eb balancuar.<\/p>\n Vizita e kryeministrit spanjoll Pedro S\u00e1nchez n\u00eb prill p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoi nj\u00eb nga momentet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme politike t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti n\u00eb raportet Kin\u00eb\u2013BE. Spanja u paraqit si nj\u00eb aktor evropian q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet dialogun, multilateralizmin dhe thellimin e bashk\u00ebpunimit, duke ofruar nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrpesh\u00eb ndaj qasjeve m\u00eb skeptike brenda Unionit.<\/p>\n N\u00eb mesin e prillit, Sekretari i P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm dhe Presidenti T\u00f4 L\u00e2m p\u00ebrfundoi nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, udh\u00ebtimin e tij t\u00eb par\u00eb jasht\u00eb shtetit si udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi m\u00eb i lart\u00eb i Vietnamit. Kjo vizit\u00eb n\u00ebnvizoi r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e stabilitetit n\u00eb Azin\u00eb Juglindore dhe nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb menaxhuar dallimet duke ruajtur nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimi strategjik.<\/p>\n Ajo q\u00eb po ndodh nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi. Lider\u00ebt q\u00eb shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb Pekin nuk e b\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vet\u00ebm sepse jan\u00eb ftuar, por sepse logjika e tyre e brendshme politike i shtyn n\u00eb at\u00eb drejtim. Kur nj\u00eb lider udh\u00ebton p\u00ebr t\u00eb takuar nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, ai po i d\u00ebrgon nj\u00eb sinjal publikut t\u00eb tij: kjo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie ka vler\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb investuar kapital politik. K\u00ebto nuk jan\u00eb shtete periferike. Jan\u00eb nd\u00ebr ekonomit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe tre prej tyre jan\u00eb an\u00ebtare t\u00eb G7. Fakti q\u00eb k\u00ebto vende po shkojn\u00eb drejt Pekinit n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn periudh\u00eb tregon shum\u00eb p\u00ebr realitetin dhe aktualitetin gjeopolitik.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Akte ribalancimi<\/strong><\/p>\n Shtetet marrin vendime duke peshuar dy faktor\u00eb, \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrfitimesh ofron nj\u00eb partner dhe sa kushton ruajtja e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies me t\u00eb. \u00a0Kina ofron tregun m\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr mallra t\u00eb prodhuara, kapacitete t\u00eb m\u00ebdha financimi p\u00ebr infrastruktur\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb stil diplomatik m\u00eb t\u00eb parashikuesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n Kjo val\u00eb vizitash nuk duket t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb reagim i p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm por pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb riorientimi m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb strategjik. Vendet per\u00ebndimore po k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohen m\u00eb aktivisht me Kin\u00ebn, duke njohur rolin e saj gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb dhe qeverisjen globale.<\/p>\n Kina paraqitet si nj\u00eb aktor i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e ekonomis\u00eb globale dhe nj\u00eb mbrojt\u00ebse e globalizimit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur SHBA po ndjek politika m\u00eb proteksioniste. Kjo ka shtyr\u00eb vendet evropiane t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb alternativa dhe t\u00eb balancojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e tyre mes Kin\u00ebs dhe SHBA-s\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, v\u00ebrehet nj\u00eb prirje drejt diversifikimit t\u00eb partneriteteve ekonomike, jo vet\u00ebm me Kin\u00ebn, por edhe me rajone t\u00eb tjera si India dhe Amerika Latine.<\/p>\n Megjithat\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb skepticiz\u00ebm i duksh\u00ebm, si n\u00eb Kin\u00eb ashtu edhe n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, qytetar\u00eb kinez\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb q\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb qasjen e tij, duke hequr dor\u00eb nga arroganca dhe paragjykimet. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, disa analist\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00eb theksojn\u00eb se afrimi aktual \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb i motivuar nga interesa ekonomike sesa nga nj\u00eb ndryshim i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb politik apo ideologjik.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr nj\u00eb lider n\u00eb Lond\u00ebr apo Berlin, n\u00eb Madrid, pyetja b\u00ebhet praktike: cili partner ofron m\u00eb shum\u00eb stabilitet n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment? Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ideologjie, por nj\u00eb llogaritje konkrete kosto-p\u00ebrfitim. Dhe kjo llogaritje po ndryshon.<\/p>\n N\u00eb \u00e7do rast konkret, mekanizmi b\u00ebhet edhe m\u00eb i qart\u00eb. Koreja e Jugut k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb rikthej\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike me Kin\u00ebn pas tensioneve t\u00eb lidhura me sistemin THAAD, q\u00eb i kan\u00eb kushtuar miliarda. Kanadaja po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb dal\u00eb nga nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb e gjat\u00eb p\u00ebrplasjesh diplomatike dhe t\u00eb rikthej\u00eb eksportet e saj n\u00eb tregun kinez. Britania, pas Brexit, ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr akses n\u00eb tregje dhe kapital, nd\u00ebrsa Gjermania, si ekonomi industriale, mbetet thell\u00ebsisht e varur nga k\u00ebrkesa dhe zinxhir\u00ebt e furnizimit t\u00eb lidhur me Kin\u00ebn.<\/p>\n P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, vizitat prodhojn\u00eb rezultate konkrete. Koreja e Jugut po rifiton akses n\u00eb tregje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Kanadaja ka n\u00ebnshkruar marr\u00ebveshje bashk\u00ebpunimi p\u00ebr tregtin\u00eb dhe industrin\u00eb. Britania po synon t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb rolin e saj financiar p\u00ebrmes bashk\u00ebpunimit me Kin\u00ebn. Gjermania pritet t\u00eb fokusohet n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ky\u00e7e industriale dhe zinxhir\u00eb furnizimi. Secila marr\u00ebveshje m\u00eb vete \u00ebsht\u00eb e menaxhueshme, por s\u00eb bashku ato tregojn\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb ri.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Pekini, si epiqendra e stabilitetit <\/strong><\/p>\n Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, strategjia e Xi \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb: ai pret lider\u00ebt n\u00eb Pekin. Kjo krijon nj\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm simbolik dhe praktik. Kina b\u00ebhet k\u00ebshtu qendra e gravitetit global, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt vijn\u00eb drejt saj. Mikprit\u00ebsi kontrollon sken\u00ebn, agjend\u00ebn dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si paraqiten marr\u00ebveshjet. K\u00ebto zhvillime nuk tregojn\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb shk\u00ebputje nga hegjemoni, por nj\u00eb proces balancimi. Vendet nuk po zgjedhin mes nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs fuqi, por po ruajn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me t\u00eb dyja p\u00ebr t\u00eb minimizuar rrezikun. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb reagim racional n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt. Ky drejtim nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dominim, por diversifikim. Ekonomit\u00eb kryesore po krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj sigurie ndaj pasiguris\u00eb globale, duke zgjeruar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet p\u00ebrtej nj\u00eb qendre t\u00eb vetme.<\/p>\n Ka edhe nj\u00eb paraleliz\u00ebm historik. N\u00eb periudh\u00ebn nd\u00ebrmjet dy luft\u00ebrave bot\u00ebrore, nj\u00eb fuqi n\u00eb r\u00ebnie dhe nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb ngritje krijuan nj\u00eb boshll\u00ebk n\u00eb rendin global. Edhe sot, dinamika e nj\u00eb fuqie n\u00ebn presion dhe nj\u00eb tjetre q\u00eb shfaq stabilitet po prodhon ndryshime t\u00eb ngjashme strukturore.<\/p>\n N\u00eb fund, gjith\u00e7ka kthehet te ekonomia. Presioni vjen nga brenda: nga industria, nga tregtia, nga vendet e pun\u00ebs. \u00a0Ajo q\u00eb po shohim nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim i menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm, por nj\u00eb proces gradual. \u00c7do vizit\u00eb n\u00eb Pekin e b\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb leht\u00eb vizit\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. \u00c7do marr\u00ebveshje ul koston e marr\u00ebveshjes pasuese. Me kalimin e koh\u00ebs, k\u00ebto vendime t\u00eb vogla dhe pragmatike krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb ri, ku qendra e gravitetit global fillon t\u00eb zhvendoset. K\u00ebto vizita tregojn\u00eb nj\u00eb prirje t\u00eb qart\u00eb: pavar\u00ebsisht fragmentimit gjeopolitik dhe presioneve p\u00ebr \u201cshk\u00ebputje\u201d, shumica e aktor\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohen drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me Pekinin. Kina mbetet k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr e paz\u00ebvend\u00ebsueshme e ekonomis\u00eb globale dhe nj\u00eb aktor ky\u00e7 n\u00eb form\u00ebsimin e nj\u00eb rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar m\u00eb shum\u00ebpolar.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n S\u00eb fundmi<\/em>, nga k\u00ebto vizita dalin disa m\u00ebsime kryesore p\u00ebr vendet per\u00ebndimore: S\u00eb pari, nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb dalluar realitetin nga perceptimet e vjetra mbi Kin\u00ebn. S\u00eb dyti, shmangia e politizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ekonomike, q\u00eb shpesh d\u00ebmton interesat praktike. S\u00eb treti, adoptimi i nj\u00eb vizioni m\u00eb t\u00eb hapur dhe realist p\u00ebr rolin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb bot\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet do t\u00eb mbeten komplekse p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb dallimeve ideologjike dhe perceptimeve mbi \u201cvlerat\u201d. Per\u00ebndimi shpesh i ngat\u00ebrron vlerat me ideologjin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Kina fokusohet n\u00eb zhvillimin, sigurin\u00eb dhe bashk\u00ebpunimin.<\/p>\n Me t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto vizita, analist\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb kujdessh\u00ebm duke r\u00ebn\u00eb dakord se \u00a0nuk po hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cepok\u00eb t\u00eb art\u00eb\u201d t\u00eb re, por n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cepok\u00eb realizmi\u201d, ku bashk\u00ebpunimi do t\u00eb udh\u00ebhiqet m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga interesat konkrete dhe pragmatizmi. \u00c7el\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen mbetet nj\u00eb qasje m\u00eb e hapur, m\u00eb pak paragjykuese dhe m\u00eb pragmatike nga t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n AIGS<\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" N\u00eb muajt e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb re nj\u00eb fenomen i duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare: nj\u00eb num\u00ebr n\u00eb rritje lider\u00ebsh bot\u00ebror\u00eb po vizitojn\u00eb Kin\u00ebn. Avion\u00ebt drejt Pekinit duket sikur jan\u00eb mbushur me kryeministra dhe president\u00eb nga vende t\u00eb ndryshme, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nga Per\u00ebndimi. N\u00eb prill 2026, vet\u00ebm gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb jave, lideri kinez Xi Jinping zhvilloi t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":6997,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-7002","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7002","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7002"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7002\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7004,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7002\/revisions\/7004"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6997"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7002"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7002"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7002"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}