{"id":7089,"date":"2026-05-06T16:19:15","date_gmt":"2026-05-06T16:19:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/?p=7089"},"modified":"2026-05-06T16:19:15","modified_gmt":"2026-05-06T16:19:15","slug":"80-vite-nga-gjyqet-e-tokios-dhe-azia-qe-nuk-harron","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/80-vite-nga-gjyqet-e-tokios-dhe-azia-qe-nuk-harron\/","title":{"rendered":"80 vite nga Gjyqet e Tokios dhe Azia q\u00eb nuk harron"},"content":{"rendered":"

M\u00eb 2 shtator t\u00eb vitit 1945, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit japonez\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruan dokumentin e kapitullimit.<\/em><\/p>\n

Ky vit sh\u00ebnon 80-vjetorin e Gjyqeve t\u00eb Tokios, t\u00eb cilat dokumentuan krime t\u00eb r\u00ebnda t\u00eb militarizmit japonez dhe vun\u00eb para drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb elit\u00ebs ushtarake t\u00eb asaj kohe. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto gjyqe nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb pa kontestime. Kritik\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm kan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje paanshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tribunalit dhe munges\u00ebn e gjykimit t\u00eb Perandorit Hirohito, duke e cil\u00ebsuar n\u00eb disa raste si “drejt\u00ebsi e fitimtar\u00ebve”.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Evrop\u00eb, Nurembergu \u00ebsht\u00eb i njohur gjer\u00ebsisht dhe i integruar n\u00eb kujtes\u00ebn historike, nd\u00ebrsa Gjyqet e Tokios mbeten shum\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb diskutuara, pavar\u00ebsisht se u zhvilluan n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn periudh\u00eb, pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Nurembergu (1945) dhe Tokio (1946) ishin tribunale t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs t\u00eb organizuara nga fuqit\u00eb aleate, me synimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur penalisht drejtues politik\u00eb dhe ushtarak\u00eb t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb Boshtit p\u00ebr krime lufte, krime kund\u00ebr paqes dhe krime kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit. T\u00eb lindura nga i nj\u00ebjti moment historik, ai i pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, ato nuk kan\u00eb marr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn pesh\u00eb n\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegjen globale.\u00a0 Nd\u00ebrsa Evropa e ka konsoliduar Nurembergun si simbol t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Gjyqet e Tokios mbeten m\u00eb pak t\u00eb pranishme n\u00eb narrativ\u00ebn gjeopolitike.<\/p>\n

<\/em><\/p>\n

Gjyqet e Tokios, 1946\/Foto nga VCG<\/em><\/p>\n

M\u00eb 5 Prill t\u00eb vitit 1945, tre ushtar\u00eb japonez\u00eb dalin nga vendet e tyre t\u00eb fshehta pas gur\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj dhe dor\u00ebzohen.\/Foto nga VCG<\/em><\/p>\n

Mes llogaridh\u00ebnies dhe harres\u00ebs: zbut, fshi, moho<\/strong><\/p>\n

80 vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Tokio, 28 burra q\u00ebndruan n\u00eb bank\u00ebn e t\u00eb akuzuarve si kriminel\u00eb lufte t\u00eb Klasit A. Pati 818 seanca gjyq\u00ebsore, 419 d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 4 000 prova. Dymb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb u d\u00ebnuan me vdekje, nd\u00ebrsa pjesa tjet\u00ebr mori burgim t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetsh\u00ebm. Gjykata u b\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb referimi dhe themeli ligjor i rendit t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs: drejt\u00ebsi dhe llogaridh\u00ebnie. Por, Perandori nuk u akuzua kurr\u00eb. Dhe Nj\u00ebsia 731, laboratori i luft\u00ebs biologjike t\u00eb Japonis\u00eb, i shp\u00ebtoi gjithashtu llogaridh\u00ebnies. N\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave t\u00eb eksperimentimit njer\u00ebzor, gjenerali Shir\u014d Ishii dhe nj\u00ebsia e tij prej 2 500 personash dol\u00ebn t\u00eb lir\u00eb: pa gjyq, pa d\u00ebnim, me an\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje sekrete imuniteti e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga Uashingtoni. Prioritetet e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb mbizot\u00ebruan mbi drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Nj\u00eb zgjedhje pragmatike, mund t\u00eb thon\u00eb disa, por p\u00ebr shum\u00eb n\u00eb Azi dhe n\u00eb Kin\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi historike e munguar.<\/p>\n

Japonia shihet gjer\u00ebsisht n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim si nj\u00eb demokraci paq\u00ebsore dhe nj\u00eb fuqi e sjellshme. Megjithat\u00eb, disa zhvillime t\u00eb fundit meritojn\u00eb v\u00ebmendje. N\u00eb pranver\u00ebn e vitit 2025, Ministria e Arsimit e Japonis\u00eb miratoi tekste t\u00eb reja t\u00eb historis\u00eb p\u00ebr shkollat \u200b\u200be mesme. Masakra e Nanjing-ut njihet si “Incidenti i Nanjing-ut,” “Grat\u00eb ngush\u00eblluese” b\u00ebhen “gra t\u00eb angazhuara n\u00eb pun\u00eb t\u00eb lidhura”. Numri i viktimave paraqitet si i diskutuesh\u00ebm. Dy botues kontrollojn\u00eb 80% t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb teksteve shkollore t\u00eb Japonis\u00eb, dhe kritik\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se ato ndjekin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin model: zbut, fshi, moho.<\/p>\n

Pastaj jan\u00eb shpenzimet e mbrojtjes. N\u00eb vitin 2023, ato ishin 1.19% t\u00eb PBB-s\u00eb. Deri n\u00eb vitin 2025, ato arrit\u00ebn n\u00eb 2%, duke arritur rreth 70 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb, duke sh\u00ebnuar 13 vite rresht rritjeje dhe \u00a0thuhet se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht mbrojt\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

<\/em><\/p>\n

Mask\u00eb kund\u00ebr ajrit helmues q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga agresor\u00ebt japonez\u00eb p\u00ebr eksperimentet me trupat e njeriut n\u00eb vendet e pushtuara gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore\/Foto nga VCG<\/em><\/p>\n

N\u00eb prill t\u00eb vitit 2026, qeveria e kryeministres Takaichi rishikoi “Tre Parimet” mbi eksportet e arm\u00ebve. Nj\u00eb jav\u00eb pas k\u00ebsaj, m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 120 ligjv\u00ebn\u00ebs vizituan Faltoren Yasukuni, e cila nderon 14 kriminel\u00eb lufte t\u00eb d\u00ebnuar, nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00eb kryeministrja d\u00ebrgoi oferta rituale n\u00eb dit\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebpasnj\u00ebshme.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga miratimi i kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb saj pacifiste n\u00eb vitin 1947, Japonia ka ruajtur nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb q\u00eb heq dor\u00eb nga lufta. I ashtuquajturi “neo-militariz\u00ebm” shihet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb si nj\u00eb forc\u00eb destabilizuese q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebn nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim real p\u00ebr paqen rajonale. Historikisht, militarizmi japonez akuzohet se ka shkaktuar luft\u00ebra agresive, ka kryer mizori t\u00eb r\u00ebnda dhe ka shkaktuar vuajtje t\u00eb konsiderueshme n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb rajonin e Azi-Paq\u00ebsorit. Kur militarizmi japonez imponoi mizori n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Azin\u00eb, Gjyqet e Tokios duhej t\u00eb ishin fjala e fundit. Por, fjal\u00ebt e fundit kan\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse njer\u00ebzit i kujtojn\u00eb ato.<\/p>\n

Debati mbi drejtimin e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Japonis\u00eb po fiton gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb pesh\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb thelb, b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, por ende t\u00eb pazgjidhur: ku mbaron e drejta e vet\u00ebmbrojtjes dhe ku fillon rimilitarizimi i nj\u00eb fuqie q\u00eb historia e ka vendosur n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb agresioni shkat\u00ebrrues n\u00eb Azi?<\/p>\n

Zhvillimet shqet\u00ebsuese t\u00eb 2026-\u00ebs<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr kohore, jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb disa hapa dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs: nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje prej 7 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00ebsh p\u00ebr anije luftarake me Australin\u00eb, d\u00ebrgimi i kontingjentit m\u00eb t\u00eb madh ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu bashkuar st\u00ebrvitjeve ushtarake amerikane n\u00eb Filipine, si dhe leht\u00ebsimi zyrtar i eksporteve t\u00eb arm\u00ebve. K\u00ebto zhvillime ngren\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: \u00e7far\u00eb sinjalizojn\u00eb ato p\u00ebr drejtimin strategjik t\u00eb Japonis\u00eb? A kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb ringjallje t\u00eb militarizmit dhe cilat mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb pasojat p\u00ebr rajonin dhe m\u00eb gjer\u00eb?<\/p>\n

Kryeministrja japoneze Sanae Takaichi n\u00eb Australin\u00eb, m\u00eb 4 maj t\u00eb vitit 2026\/Foto nga VCG<\/em><\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb jave t\u00eb vetme n\u00eb prill, u regjistruan disa hapa konkret\u00eb: m\u00eb 17 prill, Japonia d\u00ebrgoi nj\u00eb anije t\u00eb Forcave t\u00eb Vet\u00ebmbrojtjes n\u00eb Ngushtic\u00ebn e Tajvanit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb veprim q\u00eb u interpretua si provokues. \u00a0M\u00eb 18 prill, Australia dhe Japonia n\u00ebnshkruan nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje prej 7 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00ebsh p\u00ebr furnizimin me anije luftarake, shitja m\u00eb e madhe ushtarake e Japonis\u00eb q\u00eb nga heqja e ndalimit p\u00ebr eksportin e arm\u00ebve n\u00eb vitin 2014. M\u00eb 20 prill, Japonia d\u00ebrgoi kontingjentin e saj m\u00eb t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr st\u00ebrvitje ushtarake t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequra nga ShBA n\u00eb Filipine. M\u00eb 21 prill, Tokio leht\u00ebsoi zyrtarisht rregullat p\u00ebr eksportin e arm\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga veprimet m\u00eb t\u00eb diskutueshme ishte ai i 17 prillit. Kjo dat\u00eb ka nj\u00eb dometh\u00ebnie t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb historike p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn, pasi lidhet me n\u00ebnshkrimin e Traktatit t\u00eb Shimonosekit n\u00eb vitin 1895, nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e pabarabart\u00eb q\u00eb i kaloi Tajvanin Japonis\u00eb. D\u00ebrgimi i nj\u00eb anijeje ushtarake n\u00eb Ngushtic\u00ebn e Tajvanit pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dat\u00eb u perceptua si nj\u00eb provokim i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb dhe simbolik. Kjo p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson fillimin e nj\u00eb periudhe t\u00eb dhimbshme historike t\u00eb agresionit japonez dhe luft\u00ebrave t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjakshme n\u00eb Azi. Kjo nuk shihet vet\u00ebm si l\u00ebvizje teknike, por si sinjal strategjik me dometh\u00ebnie t\u00eb qart\u00eb politike.<\/p>\n

Veprimi shihet si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb qasjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb agresive nga qeveria japoneze. Deklarata t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme nga figura politike japoneze kan\u00eb sugjeruar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e nd\u00ebrhyrjes ushtarake n\u00eb rast konflikti n\u00eb Ngushtic\u00ebn e Tajvanit. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, veprimet e fundit interpretohen si hapa konkret\u00eb drejt nj\u00eb roli m\u00eb aktiv ushtarak. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, prania ushtarake japoneze n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb kaq t\u00eb ndjeshme dhe pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb dat\u00eb kaq simbolike, perceptohet si nj\u00eb sinjal alarmi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtim t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb rimilitarizimit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb ky\u00e7e e diskursit lidhet me deklaratat politike japoneze, ku Tajvani p\u00ebrshkruhet si nj\u00eb \u201clinj\u00eb jetike\u201d p\u00ebr Japonin\u00eb. Ky koncept \u00ebsht\u00eb problematik, pasi rikujton nj\u00eb mentalitet historik t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar zgjerimin ushtarak. Sipas k\u00ebtij interpretimi, ideja e \u201clinj\u00ebs jetike\u201d ka sh\u00ebrbyer m\u00eb par\u00eb si baz\u00eb p\u00ebr politika agresive dhe mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb s\u00ebrish n\u00eb nj\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

“Gra t\u00eb komfortit”(skllev\u00ebr seksuale) p\u00ebr ushtar\u00ebt japonez\u00eb gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, vijn\u00eb nga vende aziatike si Kin\u00eb, Filipinet, gadishulli Korean, Indonezi, Malajzi, Tajland\u00eb etj. \/Foto nga VCG<\/em><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs i Ministris\u00eb s\u00eb Jashtme t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs kritikoi p\u00ebrpjekjet e forcave t\u00eb djathta n\u00eb Japoni p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbukuruar agresionin, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ringjallur sektorin e industris\u00eb ushtarake, p\u00ebr t\u00eb nxitur rishikimin e kushtetut\u00ebs dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar rimilitarizimin. Sipas tij, nd\u00ebrsa k\u00ebto prirje po marrin hov n\u00eb Japoni, rikthimi te Gjyqet e Tokios merr nj\u00eb dometh\u00ebnie edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, ministria kritikoi trajektoren aktuale t\u00eb siguris\u00eb t\u00eb Japonis\u00eb, duke theksuar q\u00eb \u201cmbetjet e militarizmit nuk jan\u00eb zhdukur\u201d\u00a0dhe po shfaqin shenja ringjalljeje. Ajo akuzoi disa grupe t\u00eb djathta japoneze se po mohojn\u00eb ose shtremb\u00ebrojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfundimet e Gjyqeve t\u00eb Tokios, po zbukurojn\u00eb aktet e agresionit dhe po rishkruajn\u00eb tekstet shkollore p\u00ebr t\u00eb promovuar nj\u00eb rr\u00ebfim t\u00eb shtremb\u00ebruar t\u00eb historis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Leht\u00ebsimi i eksporteve t\u00eb arm\u00ebve, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hap neutral. Ai mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si instrument p\u00ebr rritjen e ndikimit japonez n\u00eb Azin\u00eb Juglindore, por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe si katalizator p\u00ebr nj\u00eb gar\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb armatimesh.<\/p>\n

Krahasimet me Gjermanin\u00eb shpesh p\u00ebrdoren n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb debat, por ato nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta. Gjermania, pavar\u00ebsisht rritjes s\u00eb shpenzimeve t\u00eb mbrojtjes, \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi nj\u00eb konsensus t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb mbi p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb historike. N\u00eb rastin e Japonis\u00eb, kjo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn mbetet m\u00eb e kontestuar, dhe pik\u00ebrisht kjo e b\u00ebn \u00e7do ndryshim n\u00eb politik\u00ebn ushtarake m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb nivel rajonal.<\/p>\n

Raporti tejet i komplikuar me historin\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb sfond q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje edhe m\u00eb e ndjeshme: raporti i Japonis\u00eb me historin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb shekullit XX. P\u00ebr shum\u00eb vende n\u00eb rajon, sidomos Kin\u00ebn dhe Koren\u00eb e Jugut, \u00e7do diskutim mbi zgjerimin e rolit ushtarak t\u00eb Japonis\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb shk\u00ebputet nga kujtesa e pushtimeve dhe luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Azi. Prandaj, debati nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen e siguris\u00eb, por edhe p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si e kaluara interpretohet dhe pranohet. K\u00ebtu lind edhe nj\u00eb nga kontradiktat m\u00eb t\u00eb thella. Kujtesa e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore mbetet ende nj\u00eb faktor aktiv politik, jo thjesht nj\u00eb kapitull i mbyllur i historis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Njer\u00ebzit mbajn\u00eb pankarta q\u00eb shkruajn\u00eb “Jo luft\u00eb” dhe “Ndal rishikimit kushtetues, zgjerimit ushtarak” gjat\u00eb Dit\u00ebs P\u00ebrkujtimore t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs n\u00eb Tokio m\u00eb 3 maj 2026.\/Foto nga VCG<\/em><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb sondazh global\u00a0n\u00eb internet\u00a0nga CGTN-i\u00a0tregon se 81.8 % e t\u00eb anketuarve besojn\u00eb q\u00eb revizionizmi historik n\u00eb Japoni po p\u00ebrputhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb me ringjalljen e militarizmit, duke p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr paqen dhe q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb rajonale, gj\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon vigjilenc\u00eb nga komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

Japonia po ndjek nj\u00eb model t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb para Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, p\u00ebrmes tre dimensioneve kryesore. S\u00eb pari, ndryshimet graduale n\u00eb kuadrin ligjor, t\u00eb cilat lejojn\u00eb forcat e vet\u00ebmbrojtjes t\u00eb operojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej kufijve tradicional\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar nga kushtetuta pacifiste. S\u00eb dyti, rritja e shpenzimeve ushtarake me ritme m\u00eb t\u00eb shpejta sesa rritja ekonomike, duke e renditur Japonin\u00eb nd\u00ebr vendet me buxhetin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb mbrojtjes n\u00eb bot\u00eb. S\u00eb treti, ringjallja e industris\u00eb s\u00eb mbrojtjes, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr nevoja t\u00eb brendshme, por edhe p\u00ebr eksport arm\u00ebsh, duke krijuar nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl ekonomik ku t\u00eb ardhurat nga eksportet mb\u00ebshtesin m\u00eb tej militarizimin.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, shtrohet nj\u00eb pyetje themelore: n\u00ebse Japonia largohet nga kushtetuta e saj pacifiste e pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, a do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo se marr\u00ebveshjet historike t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs po hidhen posht\u00eb? K\u00ebto marr\u00ebveshje u nd\u00ebrtuan mbi humbje t\u00eb m\u00ebdha njer\u00ebzore, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb viktimat e militarizmit japonez. Sot, disa vende dhe popuj, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Kin\u00ebn dhe Koren\u00eb e Jugut, e shohin k\u00ebt\u00eb zhvillim me shqet\u00ebsim. N\u00eb Kin\u00eb, kjo perceptohet si e papranueshme: nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb u dor\u00ebzua n\u00eb fund t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore sipas kushteve t\u00eb caktuara tani po ndryshon nj\u00ebanshm\u00ebrisht kushtet e rendit t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb fundi<\/i>, rimilitarizimi i Japonis\u00eb po rikthen frik\u00ebra q\u00eb Azia mendonte se i kishte l\u00ebn\u00eb pas. P\u00ebr shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb rajonit, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje sigurie apo strategjie ushtarake, por nj\u00eb kujtes\u00eb e err\u00ebt historike q\u00eb ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shuar. Historia n\u00eb Azi nuk q\u00ebndron n\u00eb libra, ajo vazhdon t\u00eb ndikoj\u00eb politik\u00ebn, aleancat dhe tensionet e sotme. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, \u00e7do l\u00ebvizje e Tokios po ndiqet me alarm n\u00eb kryeqytetet aziatike. Dhe pyetja q\u00eb po ngrihet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb fort \u00ebsht\u00eb: a po k\u00ebrkon Japonia vet\u00ebm t\u00eb forcoj\u00eb mbrojtjen e saj, apo po hapet rruga p\u00ebr nj\u00eb epok\u00eb t\u00eb re rivaliteti dhe destabilizimi n\u00eb Azi?<\/p>\n

AIGS<\/strong><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

M\u00eb 2 shtator t\u00eb vitit 1945, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit japonez\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruan dokumentin e kapitullimit. Ky vit sh\u00ebnon 80-vjetorin e Gjyqeve t\u00eb Tokios, t\u00eb cilat dokumentuan krime t\u00eb r\u00ebnda t\u00eb militarizmit japonez dhe vun\u00eb para drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb elit\u00ebs ushtarake t\u00eb asaj kohe. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebto gjyqe nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb pa kontestime. Kritik\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm kan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":7090,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-7089","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7089","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7089"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7089\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7091,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7089\/revisions\/7091"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7090"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7089"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7089"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7089"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}