<\/p>\n
Bota e sotme po ndryshon m\u00eb shpejt se institucionet q\u00eb jan\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebr ta qeverisur at\u00eb. Teknologjia p\u00ebrparon me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm marramend\u00ebs, inteligjenca artificiale po transformon ekonomit\u00eb dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb komunikojn\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa pesha ekonomike dhe demografike e vendeve t\u00eb Jugut Global rritet. Megjithat\u00eb, struktura e qeverisjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbetet n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste e lidhur me nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Ky kontrast po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i duksh\u00ebm. Vendet n\u00eb zhvillim k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb z\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madh n\u00eb institucionet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, nd\u00ebrsa rregullat q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e teknologjive t\u00eb reja shpesh ecin pas vet\u00eb teknologjis\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e bot\u00ebs vazhdon t\u00eb p\u00ebrballet me munges\u00eb financimi, infrastrukture dhe kapacitetesh njer\u00ebzore p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb n\u00eb proceset globale.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet, Kina ka paraqitur nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb saj\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes Nism\u00ebs p\u00ebr Qeverisjen Globale (Global Governance Initiative \u2013 GGI). Nisma mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb pes\u00eb parime kryesore: barazin\u00eb sovrane, sundimin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb ligjit, multilateralizmin, nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb orientuar nga njer\u00ebzit dhe veprimin konkret.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrtej formulimeve diplomatike, r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e k\u00ebsaj qasjeje q\u00ebndron n\u00eb nj\u00eb pyetje m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb: si mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb sistem nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb vendos\u00eb rregulla, por t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb edhe kushtet q\u00eb vendet e ndryshme t\u00eb ken\u00eb kapacitetin p\u00ebr t’i zbatuar dhe ndikuar n\u00eb to?<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb rend global q\u00eb po k\u00ebrkon p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb ri<\/strong><\/p>\n Nj\u00eb nga problemet m\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme t\u00eb qeverisjes globale \u00ebsht\u00eb hendeku midis pesh\u00ebs q\u00eb vendet e Jugut Global kan\u00eb fituar n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb dhe demografin\u00eb bot\u00ebrore dhe ndikimit q\u00eb ato kan\u00eb n\u00eb institucionet kryesore nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n Ky hendek nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht \u00e7\u00ebshtje simbolike. P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi n\u00eb institucionet financiare, n\u00eb forumet politike dhe n\u00eb mekanizmat e vendimmarrjes p\u00ebrcakton edhe aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb rregullat q\u00eb m\u00eb pas zbatohen n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale.<\/p>\n Kina ka mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme zgjerimin e rolit t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim. Nd\u00ebr shembujt e p\u00ebrmendur jan\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb Bashkimit Afrikan n\u00eb G20, zgjerimi i BRICS dhe thirrjet p\u00ebr reforma n\u00eb institucionet financiare nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr rritjen e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit dhe t\u00eb z\u00ebrit t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim n\u00eb Fondin Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n Kjo qasje lidhet me nj\u00eb realitet t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb: qeverisja globale nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse n\u00ebse nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e bot\u00ebs mbetet kryesisht objekt i vendimeve t\u00eb marra diku tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n Por p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi politik nuk mjafton. Nj\u00eb vend mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb karrige n\u00eb tryez\u00eb dhe s\u00ebrish t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb kapacitetin teknik p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet q\u00eb diskutohen.<\/p>\n Kjo b\u00ebhet ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme kur debati zhvendoset nga ekonomia tradicionale te teknologjit\u00eb e reja.<\/p>\n Inteligjenca artificiale dhe beteja p\u00ebr rregullat e s\u00eb ardhmes<\/strong><\/p>\n N\u00ebse shekulli XXI ka nj\u00eb fush\u00eb ku ndryshimi teknologjik po ec\u00ebn shum\u00eb m\u00eb shpejt se institucionet, ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb inteligjenca artificiale.<\/p>\n AI po ndryshon tregjet e pun\u00ebs, arsimin, industrin\u00eb, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsin\u00eb, komunikimin dhe administrat\u00ebn publike. Por p\u00ebrfitimet e k\u00ebtij transformimi nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebrndara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb.<\/p>\n N\u00eb vitin 2025, rreth 74 p\u00ebr qind e popullsis\u00eb s\u00eb bot\u00ebs ishte online. N\u00eb vendet m\u00eb pak t\u00eb zhvilluara, kjo shif\u00ebr ishte vet\u00ebm 34 p\u00ebr qind. Diferenca tregon se hendeku digjital nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zhdukur me p\u00ebrhapjen e internetit; n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste ai thjesht ka marr\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb re.<\/p>\n Tani pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm se kush ka akses n\u00eb internet, por kush ka qasje n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna, n\u00eb kapacitete kompjuterike, n\u00eb ekspertiz\u00eb dhe n\u00eb infrastruktur\u00ebn q\u00eb nevojitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhvilluar dhe administruar inteligjenc\u00ebn artificiale.<\/p>\n N\u00ebse nj\u00eb grup i kufizuar shtetesh zot\u00ebron avantazhin teknologjik dhe nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrcakton rregullat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr p\u00ebrdorimin e k\u00ebtyre teknologjive, ekziston rreziku q\u00eb hendeku digjital t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb hendek shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb t\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale.<\/p>\n Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu Kina po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb lidh\u00eb dy procese q\u00eb shpesh trajtohen ve\u00e7mas: vendosjen e rregullave dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e kapaciteteve.<\/p>\n Sipas nismave t\u00eb shpallura, gjat\u00eb pes\u00eb viteve t\u00eb ardhshme Kina planifikon t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb 200 programe trajnimi p\u00ebr ekonomin\u00eb digjitale dhe inteligjenc\u00ebn artificiale p\u00ebr vendet e Jugut Global. Jan\u00eb parashikuar gjithashtu 5,000 vende n\u00eb programe trajnimi dhe seminare p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs nga vendet n\u00eb zhvillim.<\/p>\n Krahas tyre, Kina ka njoftuar krijimin e qendrave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit p\u00ebr aplikimet e inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale me ASEAN-in, Lig\u00ebn e Shteteve Arabe, Bashkimin Afrikan, Komunitetin e Shteteve t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs Latine dhe Karaibeve, Organizat\u00ebn e Bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb Shangait dhe BRICS.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr shembull \u00ebsht\u00eb MAZU, nj\u00eb sistem i inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale p\u00ebr paralajm\u00ebrimin meteorologjik t\u00eb hersh\u00ebm, i cili synohet t\u00eb vihet n\u00eb dispozicion t\u00eb 30 vendeve.<\/p>\n N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb, k\u00ebto mund t\u00eb duken si programe t\u00eb zakonshme t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit teknologjik. Por pas tyre q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb: kush do t\u00eb ket\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb hartimin e rregullave t\u00eb teknologjive t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes?<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb nuk ka infrastruktur\u00ebn, ekspert\u00ebt apo institucionet e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar dhe administruar teknologjin\u00eb, rrezikon t\u00eb mbetet thjesht zbatues i rregullave t\u00eb hartuara nga t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt.<\/p>\n N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, nd\u00ebrtimi i kapaciteteve b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e vet\u00eb qeverisjes globale.<\/p>\n Nga rregullat te veprimi konkret<\/strong><\/p>\n Nj\u00eb nga idet\u00eb qendrore t\u00eb qasjes kineze \u00ebsht\u00eb se rregullat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, sado t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb jen\u00eb, nuk mund t\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb pa burime, institucione dhe kapacitete p\u00ebr zbatimin e tyre.<\/p>\n Kjo filozofi shfaqet edhe n\u00eb Nism\u00ebn p\u00ebr Zhvillim Global (Global Development Initiative \u2013 GDI), e propozuar pes\u00eb vite m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n Sipas t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave t\u00eb paraqitura nga pala kineze, GDI ka mobilizuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 23 miliard\u00eb dollar\u00eb dhe ka mb\u00ebshtetur mbi 1,800 projekte bashk\u00ebpunimi.<\/p>\n Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr element i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb tregtia. Kina ka ofruar trajtim me tarif\u00eb zero p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha produktet nga vendet m\u00eb pak t\u00eb zhvilluara me t\u00eb cilat ka marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie diplomatike. Q\u00eb nga 1 maji i k\u00ebtij viti, ky trajtim \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjeruar n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha linjat tarifore p\u00ebr 53 vendet afrikane me t\u00eb cilat Kina ka marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie diplomatike.<\/p>\n Financimi, qasja n\u00eb tregje, transferimi i teknologjis\u00eb dhe nd\u00ebrtimi i kapaciteteve, t\u00eb marra s\u00eb bashku, krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb model m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare quhet e mir\u00eb publike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe pika ku debati p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn dhe qeverisjen globale b\u00ebhet m\u00eb kompleks. Nuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb rregullash propozon Pekini, por edhe p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si p\u00ebrpiqet t’i lidh\u00eb k\u00ebto rregulla me mjete konkrete.<\/p>\n N\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb ku shum\u00eb vende n\u00eb zhvillim p\u00ebrballen me nj\u00eb hendek t\u00eb madh financiar p\u00ebr realizimin e Objektivave t\u00eb Zhvillimit t\u00eb Q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, \u00e7\u00ebshtja e burimeve \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme sa vet\u00eb hartimi i politikave.<\/p>\n Kan\u00eb mbetur vet\u00ebm pak vite deri n\u00eb vitin 2030, nd\u00ebrsa hendeku vjetor i financimit p\u00ebr Objektivat e Zhvillimit t\u00eb Q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb vendet n\u00eb zhvillim vler\u00ebsohet rreth 4 trilion\u00eb dollar\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, ndihma zyrtare p\u00ebr zhvillim nga vendet an\u00ebtare dhe bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtore t\u00eb Komitetit t\u00eb Ndihm\u00ebs p\u00ebr Zhvillim t\u00eb OECD-s\u00eb ra me 23.1 p\u00ebr qind n\u00eb terma real\u00eb gjat\u00eb vitit 2025, r\u00ebnia m\u00eb e madhe vjetore e regjistruar.<\/p>\n K\u00ebto shifra e vendosin debatin n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb. N\u00ebse qeverisja globale synon t\u00eb jet\u00eb efektive, ajo nuk mund t\u00eb kufizohet te deklaratat politike. Ajo k\u00ebrkon financim, teknologji, ekspertiz\u00eb dhe institucione.<\/p>\n Pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, Nisma p\u00ebr Qeverisjen Globale p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb bashkoj\u00eb pjes\u00eb q\u00eb tradicionalisht jan\u00eb diskutuar t\u00eb ndara: zhvillimin, sigurin\u00eb, klim\u00ebn, teknologjin\u00eb dhe reformimin institucional.<\/p>\n Debati p\u00ebr rolin e Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb qeverisjen globale nuk mund t\u00eb reduktohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb midis fuqive apo n\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb p\u00ebr ndikim. Ai lidhet me nj\u00eb pyetje m\u00eb themelore: si duhet t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb rendi nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb ajo e dekadave t\u00eb kaluara? Pesha e vendeve t\u00eb Jugut Global \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur. Teknologjit\u00eb e reja kan\u00eb ndryshuar m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si ekonomit\u00eb dhe shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb. Problemet klimatike, financiare dhe digjitale nuk respektojn\u00eb kufijt\u00eb komb\u00ebtar\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, institucionet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebrballen me k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim dhe efektivitet.<\/p>\n N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet, Kina po p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb paraqes\u00eb nj\u00eb vizion ku multilateralizmi shoq\u00ebrohet me reformimin institucional, nd\u00ebrtimin e kapaciteteve dhe veprime konkrete. Mb\u00ebshtetja p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb vendeve n\u00eb zhvillim, programet e trajnimit n\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebn artificiale, bashk\u00ebpunimi teknologjik dhe projektet e zhvillimit jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj qasjeje.<\/p>\n Qeverisja globale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem i p\u00ebrfunduar. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb proces q\u00eb ndryshon bashk\u00eb me bot\u00ebn. Dhe nd\u00ebrsa shekulli XXI hyn n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb ku teknologjia, zhvillimi dhe fuqia nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare po rishp\u00ebrndahen, pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm se kush do t\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00eb. Pyetja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb se sa vende do t\u00eb ken\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb ulen n\u00eb tryez\u00eb, t\u00eb flasin dhe t\u00eb ken\u00eb kapacitetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb rregullat q\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n AIGS<\/strong><\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Bota e sotme po ndryshon m\u00eb shpejt se institucionet q\u00eb jan\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebr ta qeverisur at\u00eb. Teknologjia p\u00ebrparon me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm marramend\u00ebs, inteligjenca artificiale po transformon ekonomit\u00eb dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb komunikojn\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa pesha ekonomike dhe demografike e vendeve t\u00eb Jugut Global rritet. Megjithat\u00eb, struktura e qeverisjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare mbetet n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste e […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":8460,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-8459","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8459","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8459"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8459\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8461,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8459\/revisions\/8461"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8460"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8459"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8459"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/globalizationinstitute.al\/sq\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8459"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}